68:16
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(08February2024) How Is The Be'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2....
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
More...
Description:
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
3:52
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The Origins of Idol Worship | Shaykh Salim Yusufali | English
The Origins of Idol Worship | Shaykh Salim Yusufali
Where did Idol worship come from? Why is Islam so opposed to Idol worship? How is that relevant to today\\\'s world? The time has come for us...
The Origins of Idol Worship | Shaykh Salim Yusufali
Where did Idol worship come from? Why is Islam so opposed to Idol worship? How is that relevant to today\\\'s world? The time has come for us to recognize what the idols of today are and how to break them...
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The Origins of Idol Worship | Shaykh Salim Yusufali
Where did Idol worship come from? Why is Islam so opposed to Idol worship? How is that relevant to today\\\'s world? The time has come for us to recognize what the idols of today are and how to break them...
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6:06
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40:48
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5:45
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(08February2024) Qur'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\\\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2....
Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\\\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\\\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
More...
Description:
Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\\\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\\\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\\\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
29:57
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(08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2....
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
More...
Description:
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
5:01
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(08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2....
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
More...
Description:
Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr In Qom:
1. (08February2024) Qur\'an Recitation | Br. Ammar | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic English
2. (08February2024) Dua Kumayl | Shaykh Ali Naqi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Arabic
3. (08February2024) Video Clips | Imam Khamenei | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | Farsi Sub English
4. (08February2024) How Is The Be\'thah Relevant to the Modern Era? | Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi | Celebrating Eid al-Be\'that Celebrating Dahe Fajr | English
Date: 08 Frbruary 2024
www.studentsofqom.org
45:50
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[01] Safar 1435 | Practical Advice from Ahlulbayt (as) for living in the West - Sh. Salim Yusufali - English
Sheikh Salim Yusufali: Ashra-e-Zainabiyya 1435 Topic: Practical advice from Ahlul Bayt (A.S) for Muslims living in the West
[English] 01 - Shahadat Eve Bibi Sakina (A.S) - 30th Eve...
Sheikh Salim Yusufali: Ashra-e-Zainabiyya 1435 Topic: Practical advice from Ahlul Bayt (A.S) for Muslims living in the West
[English] 01 - Shahadat Eve Bibi Sakina (A.S) - 30th Eve After Ashura - 13 December 2013
Lecture 1 Summary: Sheikh Salim Yusufali
The Topic for these nights are “Practical Advice from the AHLUL BAYT (AB) for Muslims living in the west”
• Todays lecture is a teaser so to speak, to give listeners an insight as to what is to come in the forthcoming nights.
• We need to step back and look at their purpose and role of the AB at a theoretical level
The question one often asks “Is Islam universal and relevant in our time?”
• According to the well known verse in surah Maidah.
“Today I have Perfected for you your religion” meaning the religion is perfect and applicable to today and all times ie perfect at all times
• The 5th Imam (as) states- Allah (SWT) the Exalted has not left aside a single thing that is needed but that it was revealed in the Quran and the sunnah
• This gives us confidence knowing that we have all the tools of guidance with us
• The reason the Holy Quran is timeless and relevant is because it has principles and guidelines which are universal and can be applied in different times.
• The Quran needs explanation and clarification which can either be done by the Quran itself or by the holy progeny
• The Quran is timeless, its need for clarification is timeless,
and this done by HP and AB and hence our need for them is timeless
We sometimes wonder what do the AB know about the modern day? But if we analyse how different is our situation and our lives different from theirs?
• If we analyse what we are made up, we are not just a sum total of technology, or advancements in science etc but we are a sum total of a body and a soul which hasn’t changed over time
• Also the Fitrah, that innate nature which Allah creates within all human being, is a hard wiring which doesn’t change over time. This is clearly explained in Surah Rum… It guides us towards Allah and our movement towards Him. So how different are we 1400 years later in terms of searching for our goal?
• Some examples on how the words and teachings of the AB are relevant more than ever today when it comes to marriage, childraising, and death
The AB are looking for more from us however, than just to consider them relevant.
• Look at the Hadith of Unwan al Basri, a student of Anas bin Malik , who came to the 6th imam and wanted to become his student. Imam (as) says to him I am busy. Imam was not being stingy but was teaching us that we have to realize that station of Imam first and his rank before we can take from him
• The AB have stated, Travel east and west and you will not find anything that is correct except from us. AB have given us guidelines on how to live our lives in all arenas. And that is their role, they are our guides
• Inspirational anecdote that took place recently that demonstrates that AB are seeking those who will take their guidance
It is important to note that when we are looking at the advice of AB it doesn’t mean that this is not covered in HQ. For example look at the example of Asiyah the wife of pharaoh (a women brought in a non muslim/tyrannical society) She is an example that is immortalized the Quran and her entirety of her personality and vision is encapsulated in one dua. O ALLAH GIVE ME A HOUSE IN YOUR PROXIMITY IN PARADISE. She wanted proximity to Allah. She was a queen and had all the material wealth of the world but she wanted something better. She then prays for deliverance from pharaoh a sign of her unwavering stand for truth and justice.
Link to Summary - hujjat.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=939:lecture-1-summary-sheikh-salim-yusufali&catid=30&Itemid=100012
More...
Description:
Sheikh Salim Yusufali: Ashra-e-Zainabiyya 1435 Topic: Practical advice from Ahlul Bayt (A.S) for Muslims living in the West
[English] 01 - Shahadat Eve Bibi Sakina (A.S) - 30th Eve After Ashura - 13 December 2013
Lecture 1 Summary: Sheikh Salim Yusufali
The Topic for these nights are “Practical Advice from the AHLUL BAYT (AB) for Muslims living in the west”
• Todays lecture is a teaser so to speak, to give listeners an insight as to what is to come in the forthcoming nights.
• We need to step back and look at their purpose and role of the AB at a theoretical level
The question one often asks “Is Islam universal and relevant in our time?”
• According to the well known verse in surah Maidah.
“Today I have Perfected for you your religion” meaning the religion is perfect and applicable to today and all times ie perfect at all times
• The 5th Imam (as) states- Allah (SWT) the Exalted has not left aside a single thing that is needed but that it was revealed in the Quran and the sunnah
• This gives us confidence knowing that we have all the tools of guidance with us
• The reason the Holy Quran is timeless and relevant is because it has principles and guidelines which are universal and can be applied in different times.
• The Quran needs explanation and clarification which can either be done by the Quran itself or by the holy progeny
• The Quran is timeless, its need for clarification is timeless,
and this done by HP and AB and hence our need for them is timeless
We sometimes wonder what do the AB know about the modern day? But if we analyse how different is our situation and our lives different from theirs?
• If we analyse what we are made up, we are not just a sum total of technology, or advancements in science etc but we are a sum total of a body and a soul which hasn’t changed over time
• Also the Fitrah, that innate nature which Allah creates within all human being, is a hard wiring which doesn’t change over time. This is clearly explained in Surah Rum… It guides us towards Allah and our movement towards Him. So how different are we 1400 years later in terms of searching for our goal?
• Some examples on how the words and teachings of the AB are relevant more than ever today when it comes to marriage, childraising, and death
The AB are looking for more from us however, than just to consider them relevant.
• Look at the Hadith of Unwan al Basri, a student of Anas bin Malik , who came to the 6th imam and wanted to become his student. Imam (as) says to him I am busy. Imam was not being stingy but was teaching us that we have to realize that station of Imam first and his rank before we can take from him
• The AB have stated, Travel east and west and you will not find anything that is correct except from us. AB have given us guidelines on how to live our lives in all arenas. And that is their role, they are our guides
• Inspirational anecdote that took place recently that demonstrates that AB are seeking those who will take their guidance
It is important to note that when we are looking at the advice of AB it doesn’t mean that this is not covered in HQ. For example look at the example of Asiyah the wife of pharaoh (a women brought in a non muslim/tyrannical society) She is an example that is immortalized the Quran and her entirety of her personality and vision is encapsulated in one dua. O ALLAH GIVE ME A HOUSE IN YOUR PROXIMITY IN PARADISE. She wanted proximity to Allah. She was a queen and had all the material wealth of the world but she wanted something better. She then prays for deliverance from pharaoh a sign of her unwavering stand for truth and justice.
Link to Summary - hujjat.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=939:lecture-1-summary-sheikh-salim-yusufali&catid=30&Itemid=100012
Musheer - Habib Jalib - Poem - Urdu sub English
This poem MUSHEER - advisor- is a satirical poem by the famous leftist poet Habib Jalib. Jalib wrote it in response to a conversation with Hafiz Jalandari during the time of Ayub Khans...
This poem MUSHEER - advisor- is a satirical poem by the famous leftist poet Habib Jalib. Jalib wrote it in response to a conversation with Hafiz Jalandari during the time of Ayub Khans dictatorship. It remains just as fresh and relevant today.- Toward the end Jalib glorifies the political system in China. That is not relevant anymore - even to many leftists and post-leftists out there.
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Description:
This poem MUSHEER - advisor- is a satirical poem by the famous leftist poet Habib Jalib. Jalib wrote it in response to a conversation with Hafiz Jalandari during the time of Ayub Khans dictatorship. It remains just as fresh and relevant today.- Toward the end Jalib glorifies the political system in China. That is not relevant anymore - even to many leftists and post-leftists out there.
2:16
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Muslims mark Ashura in London - 16Dec2010 - English
They cried and beat their chests in mourning for the loss of Imam Hussein, the Prophet Muhammad's grandson.
Hussein was killed in 680 AD along with his supporters by the army of the caliph Yazid...
They cried and beat their chests in mourning for the loss of Imam Hussein, the Prophet Muhammad's grandson.
Hussein was killed in 680 AD along with his supporters by the army of the caliph Yazid in the Iraqi city of Karbala.
And ever since, Shia Muslims especially have commemorated the event by reliving the pain and sorrow endured by Hussain and his family.
The congregation was told that the events of Karbala are still relevant today in 21st century Britain.
And they were reminded that Imam Hussain sacrificed his own life in the cause of justice.
Later, a well attended march was held in central London, despite it being the middle of the working week and the miserable weather.
As you can see behind me thousands of Shia Muslims are marching through central London to commemorate the martyrdom of Imam Hussain, the Prophet Muhammad's grandson. And according to them, the message of this day is the duty of all Muslims to stand up against tyranny and oppression.
The marchers told me that the message of Ashura is particularly relevant in a world where Muslims are still being oppressed. And where sectarianism is being promoted by some parties.
They vowed to learn the lessons from this momentous day and to implement them in their lives.
More...
Description:
They cried and beat their chests in mourning for the loss of Imam Hussein, the Prophet Muhammad's grandson.
Hussein was killed in 680 AD along with his supporters by the army of the caliph Yazid in the Iraqi city of Karbala.
And ever since, Shia Muslims especially have commemorated the event by reliving the pain and sorrow endured by Hussain and his family.
The congregation was told that the events of Karbala are still relevant today in 21st century Britain.
And they were reminded that Imam Hussain sacrificed his own life in the cause of justice.
Later, a well attended march was held in central London, despite it being the middle of the working week and the miserable weather.
As you can see behind me thousands of Shia Muslims are marching through central London to commemorate the martyrdom of Imam Hussain, the Prophet Muhammad's grandson. And according to them, the message of this day is the duty of all Muslims to stand up against tyranny and oppression.
The marchers told me that the message of Ashura is particularly relevant in a world where Muslims are still being oppressed. And where sectarianism is being promoted by some parties.
They vowed to learn the lessons from this momentous day and to implement them in their lives.
33:34
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on current situation - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar Asad Interview - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
4:08
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Enter into the Middle of the Field | Imam Khamenei | Farsi Sub English
How is the presentation of the holy Qur\'an different from that of other human books?
And what are the different approaches used in the Qur\'an to impart knowledge and advice?
Furthermore,...
How is the presentation of the holy Qur\'an different from that of other human books?
And what are the different approaches used in the Qur\'an to impart knowledge and advice?
Furthermore, are verses in the noble Qur\'an, which are related to an event, specific to that event only; or are they applicable to the present-day?
And how are the verses related to the battle of Uhud relevant and applicable to the current time?
And finally, what lesson can we learn from the event of the battle of Uhud?
The Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei, speaks, answers, and explains how the verses of the Qur\'an are relevant in all times and in all situations.
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Description:
How is the presentation of the holy Qur\'an different from that of other human books?
And what are the different approaches used in the Qur\'an to impart knowledge and advice?
Furthermore, are verses in the noble Qur\'an, which are related to an event, specific to that event only; or are they applicable to the present-day?
And how are the verses related to the battle of Uhud relevant and applicable to the current time?
And finally, what lesson can we learn from the event of the battle of Uhud?
The Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei, speaks, answers, and explains how the verses of the Qur\'an are relevant in all times and in all situations.
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10:44
|
The Dunya's Favor | Reach the Peak | English
\"Reach the Peak\" as we delve deeply into the beautiful pages of Nahjul Balagha and the wise words of the Commander of the Faithful, the first divinely appointed Imam, Imam Ali ibne Abi...
\"Reach the Peak\" as we delve deeply into the beautiful pages of Nahjul Balagha and the wise words of the Commander of the Faithful, the first divinely appointed Imam, Imam Ali ibne Abi Talib (A).
In this episode, Sayyid Amir Behbahani speaks to us about \"The Dunya\'s Favor\".
What is Hikmah number 8 by Imam Ali (A), found in Nahjul Balagha?
What qualities does Imam Ali (A) attribute to the materialistic world and to worldliness, known as \'Dunya\'?
What is the meaning of the Arabic word \'Ariah\'?
And what does it mean to have the \'favor\' of the \'Dunya\'?
What part of Imam Ali (A)\'s letter to Malik al-Ashtar is relevant to our discussion?
And how is the idea of not taking self-credit for other people\'s work, relevant to our discussion?
What are just some of the words of Imam Ruhollah Khomeini (R) and Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei that show us their humility and their humbleness in the face of the people\'s praises?
What does the Messenger of Allah (S) say about the praises that you might receive from others?
And finally, why should we all be careful of taking \"The Dunya\'s Favor\"?
If you ultimately want to \"Reach the Peak\", you\'re going to have to take the first step - wherever you are!
#IslamicPulse #ReachthePeak #ImamAli #Rajab #NahjulBalagha #RTP #Islam #Allah #Shia #Muslim #Sunni #AhlulBayt #Imamate #Wilayate #Ali
More...
Description:
\"Reach the Peak\" as we delve deeply into the beautiful pages of Nahjul Balagha and the wise words of the Commander of the Faithful, the first divinely appointed Imam, Imam Ali ibne Abi Talib (A).
In this episode, Sayyid Amir Behbahani speaks to us about \"The Dunya\'s Favor\".
What is Hikmah number 8 by Imam Ali (A), found in Nahjul Balagha?
What qualities does Imam Ali (A) attribute to the materialistic world and to worldliness, known as \'Dunya\'?
What is the meaning of the Arabic word \'Ariah\'?
And what does it mean to have the \'favor\' of the \'Dunya\'?
What part of Imam Ali (A)\'s letter to Malik al-Ashtar is relevant to our discussion?
And how is the idea of not taking self-credit for other people\'s work, relevant to our discussion?
What are just some of the words of Imam Ruhollah Khomeini (R) and Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei that show us their humility and their humbleness in the face of the people\'s praises?
What does the Messenger of Allah (S) say about the praises that you might receive from others?
And finally, why should we all be careful of taking \"The Dunya\'s Favor\"?
If you ultimately want to \"Reach the Peak\", you\'re going to have to take the first step - wherever you are!
#IslamicPulse #ReachthePeak #ImamAli #Rajab #NahjulBalagha #RTP #Islam #Allah #Shia #Muslim #Sunni #AhlulBayt #Imamate #Wilayate #Ali
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39:45
|
From ShiaSisters.net - Day of Ashura - English
How to Spread the Message of Karbala
* Create and distribute Ashura ribbons to create an awareness.
* Study more and try to bring Imam Hussain (as)’s sacrifice in light of the...
How to Spread the Message of Karbala
* Create and distribute Ashura ribbons to create an awareness.
* Study more and try to bring Imam Hussain (as)’s sacrifice in light of the struggles of Muslim in today’s time.
* If you get a chance to give a speech, include in it the sacrifice of Imam Hussain(as) and give the bigger picture of the purpose of the sacrifice.
* Give out pamphlets on the message of Ashura which are simple and clear and could be understood by one who has no knowledge of the religion of Islam or Shiism.
* Water bottle distribution on the day of Ashura. Stick paper on the water bottles with a saying of Imam Hussain (as) which reflects his wisdom.
* Fight the misconceptions spread by the 'so called muslims' by following the example of Imam Hussain (as), may it be by the way of writings, artwork, discussions etc.
* Tell the story of our Imam in a manner which others can relate to given the present circumstances.
* Organize Hussain Day at your center and invite other Muslims and non-Muslims to it.
* Overcome traditions and look at the true meaning of the sacrifice.
* The true mourning of Imam Hussain(as) has to be from the heart; if the heart is mourning, no one would have to tell us what to do or how to behave.
* Try and get a deeper understanding of Kerbala and why Imam Hussain(as)’s call for help is relevant to today’s Shia and in today’s time.
More...
Description:
How to Spread the Message of Karbala
* Create and distribute Ashura ribbons to create an awareness.
* Study more and try to bring Imam Hussain (as)’s sacrifice in light of the struggles of Muslim in today’s time.
* If you get a chance to give a speech, include in it the sacrifice of Imam Hussain(as) and give the bigger picture of the purpose of the sacrifice.
* Give out pamphlets on the message of Ashura which are simple and clear and could be understood by one who has no knowledge of the religion of Islam or Shiism.
* Water bottle distribution on the day of Ashura. Stick paper on the water bottles with a saying of Imam Hussain (as) which reflects his wisdom.
* Fight the misconceptions spread by the 'so called muslims' by following the example of Imam Hussain (as), may it be by the way of writings, artwork, discussions etc.
* Tell the story of our Imam in a manner which others can relate to given the present circumstances.
* Organize Hussain Day at your center and invite other Muslims and non-Muslims to it.
* Overcome traditions and look at the true meaning of the sacrifice.
* The true mourning of Imam Hussain(as) has to be from the heart; if the heart is mourning, no one would have to tell us what to do or how to behave.
* Try and get a deeper understanding of Kerbala and why Imam Hussain(as)’s call for help is relevant to today’s Shia and in today’s time.
7:01
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[Part 1] US Recruits Iranian Youth Online to Propagate US Strategic Policy - English
Green Movement: Exiled Oligarchs for a Future Client-State: Targeting Islam in America's Soft War Coup Attempts in Iran. Part 1 on a series that analyzes the soft and proxy wars between Iran and...
Green Movement: Exiled Oligarchs for a Future Client-State: Targeting Islam in America's Soft War Coup Attempts in Iran. Part 1 on a series that analyzes the soft and proxy wars between Iran and the United States. Since the fall of the US-Backed Shah, Iran and the United States have been at odds over Middle Eastern dominance. It has caused Iran to abandon the client-state for an Islamic Republic. Increasingly, the American government has exhausted every method of overthrowing the Islamic Republic's system. Supporting various sleeper cells within Iran, including those that carry out terrorist activities. The United States has thus resorted to more economical measures, mainly injecting capital into television and media propaganda targeting the Islamic religion. The United States believes that if the Islamic Republic is to fall, it must be done by corrupting Islam as a religion and to promote non-Islamic Western models and ideologies as the only way out for a truly free Iran. This series of documentaries expands on this idea, it includes interviews and relevant information for the viewer who seeks an in-depth look into America's growing urge to get rid of the Islamic Republic before it grows too powerful in the region.
More...
Description:
Green Movement: Exiled Oligarchs for a Future Client-State: Targeting Islam in America's Soft War Coup Attempts in Iran. Part 1 on a series that analyzes the soft and proxy wars between Iran and the United States. Since the fall of the US-Backed Shah, Iran and the United States have been at odds over Middle Eastern dominance. It has caused Iran to abandon the client-state for an Islamic Republic. Increasingly, the American government has exhausted every method of overthrowing the Islamic Republic's system. Supporting various sleeper cells within Iran, including those that carry out terrorist activities. The United States has thus resorted to more economical measures, mainly injecting capital into television and media propaganda targeting the Islamic religion. The United States believes that if the Islamic Republic is to fall, it must be done by corrupting Islam as a religion and to promote non-Islamic Western models and ideologies as the only way out for a truly free Iran. This series of documentaries expands on this idea, it includes interviews and relevant information for the viewer who seeks an in-depth look into America's growing urge to get rid of the Islamic Republic before it grows too powerful in the region.
5:10
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IAEA Discusses Israels Nukes - Interview with Former US Sen. M. Gravel - 17 SEP 2010 - English
IAEA resolution looms large on Israel
Arab states remain adamant about bringing Israel to account for its nuclear activities by proposing a relevant draft resolution to UN's nuclear watchdog for...
IAEA resolution looms large on Israel
Arab states remain adamant about bringing Israel to account for its nuclear activities by proposing a relevant draft resolution to UN's nuclear watchdog for its upcoming annual conference.
As the 54th annual general conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is set to convene next week, there is great international anticipation for a major focus on Tel Aviv's nuclear activities, after so many years of ignoring the issue.
"The Arab Group urges to keep the item 'Israeli nuclear capabilities' on the agenda of the general conference and ... will submit a draft resolution," said the Sudanese envoy to the organization, Mahmound El-Amin on behalf of 22 Arab states, AFP reported.
"The Arab Group requests the IAEA member states to support the draft resolution and vote in favor of it," he added.
The Israeli regime is widely believed to have manufactured numerous nuclear warheads since 1958, a year after IAEA's inception.
The agency, however, has so far refused to ratify any resolutions on Israel's nuclear activities.
Former US President Jimmy Carter has attested to the existence of the Israeli nuclear arsenal, confirming that it includes between 200 to 300 warheads. Decades of recurrent reporting and aerial footage have also established the Israeli possession of atomic arms.
The IAEA Director General, Yukiya Amano recently reported to the agency's Board of Governors about the nuclear program, saying that Tel Aviv was restricting the agency from examining its nuclear potentials.
The report, however, merely calls on Tel Aviv to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and "place all its nuclear facilities under comprehensive IAEA safeguards," with no enforcement or follow-up measures behind it.
El-Amin called the report "weak and disappointing" and said that the organization uses "double standards" when it comes to Israel.
Efforts by Arab states and other countries caused an NPT review conference in May to issue a statement, highlighting the importance of Tel Aviv's acceding to the treaty and its allowing the IAEA to fully inspect its nuclear sites.
The United States, Israel's strongest ally, has served its Arab allies with a warning against supporting the draft resolution on Israel's nuclear activities, arguing that it poses risks to the renewed direct talks between the Tel Aviv regime and the Palestinian Authority (PA).
Many Palestinian groups have already abandoned hope in the process, citing the White House's partiality in favor of the Israelis and arguing that the acting PA Chief, Mahmoud Abbas, does not represent most Palestinians.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142772.html
More...
Description:
IAEA resolution looms large on Israel
Arab states remain adamant about bringing Israel to account for its nuclear activities by proposing a relevant draft resolution to UN's nuclear watchdog for its upcoming annual conference.
As the 54th annual general conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is set to convene next week, there is great international anticipation for a major focus on Tel Aviv's nuclear activities, after so many years of ignoring the issue.
"The Arab Group urges to keep the item 'Israeli nuclear capabilities' on the agenda of the general conference and ... will submit a draft resolution," said the Sudanese envoy to the organization, Mahmound El-Amin on behalf of 22 Arab states, AFP reported.
"The Arab Group requests the IAEA member states to support the draft resolution and vote in favor of it," he added.
The Israeli regime is widely believed to have manufactured numerous nuclear warheads since 1958, a year after IAEA's inception.
The agency, however, has so far refused to ratify any resolutions on Israel's nuclear activities.
Former US President Jimmy Carter has attested to the existence of the Israeli nuclear arsenal, confirming that it includes between 200 to 300 warheads. Decades of recurrent reporting and aerial footage have also established the Israeli possession of atomic arms.
The IAEA Director General, Yukiya Amano recently reported to the agency's Board of Governors about the nuclear program, saying that Tel Aviv was restricting the agency from examining its nuclear potentials.
The report, however, merely calls on Tel Aviv to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and "place all its nuclear facilities under comprehensive IAEA safeguards," with no enforcement or follow-up measures behind it.
El-Amin called the report "weak and disappointing" and said that the organization uses "double standards" when it comes to Israel.
Efforts by Arab states and other countries caused an NPT review conference in May to issue a statement, highlighting the importance of Tel Aviv's acceding to the treaty and its allowing the IAEA to fully inspect its nuclear sites.
The United States, Israel's strongest ally, has served its Arab allies with a warning against supporting the draft resolution on Israel's nuclear activities, arguing that it poses risks to the renewed direct talks between the Tel Aviv regime and the Palestinian Authority (PA).
Many Palestinian groups have already abandoned hope in the process, citing the White House's partiality in favor of the Israelis and arguing that the acting PA Chief, Mahmoud Abbas, does not represent most Palestinians.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142772.html
Iran tested Mersad (Ambush) modern medium-range air defence system - 18Nov2010 - English
Iran tests radars on 3rd day of drills
Iran's military has entered the third day of its biggest ever nationwide air drills, with testing radar capabilities in defending the country's territory....
Iran tests radars on 3rd day of drills
Iran's military has entered the third day of its biggest ever nationwide air drills, with testing radar capabilities in defending the country's territory.
The anti-air defense units from Iran's Armed Forces and the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) are taking part in the five-day air defense maneuvers dubbed Defenders of Velayat Skies, which began on Tuesday.
According to the spokesman for the military drills Brigadier Hamid Arzhangi, various kinds of fixed and mobile radars that have been domestically manufactured or refurbished would be tested during the third day of the drills on Thursday.
He further explained that radars would be used to detect and identify objects and pass relevant data to the operational units.
The military official added that all types of the country's radar systems, which would relay intelligence to the unified command and control network of the central headquarters, would be utilized and examined during the third day of the maneuvers.
He pointed out that reconnaissance missions to detect state-of-the-art systems of theatrical enemies using radars were also on the agenda of the third day of drills.
During the second day of the maneuvers on Wednesday, advanced equipment used for communication and exchange of intelligence along with modern electro-optical systems were successfully tested and utilized.
The air maneuvers are being held near Iran's strategic sights and landmarks, aiming to assess performance of new air defense systems and enhance rapid response capabilities in countering potential aerial attacks.
Iranian military officials say the drills convey a message of peace and friendship to neighboring countries and a fierce warning against enemies.
Iran simulates Electronic Warfare in drills
An Iranian commander says the Air Force has "analyzed and conducted" Electronic Warfare (EW) missions during the first three days of its biggest defense drills.
"EW means jamming the enemies' electronic systems, equipment, and capabilities and the mission of this war is to seize and control electromagnetic fields," Colonel Moharam Qolizadeh said on Thursday.
"We have analyzed and conducted EW missions in the drills [dubbed] 'Modafean Aseman Velayt 3' (Guardians of Velayati Skies)," he added.
The colonel said the maneuvers were aimed at "spotting [the enemy] without being spotted" and tapping the enemy communications lines without compromising transmissions by Iranian forces.
Earlier on Thursday, the spokesman for the military drills Brigadier General Hamid Arzhangi said Iran had successfully tested a new generation of its first domestically-manufactured air defense system during the third day of the nationwide air drills.
The Mersad (Ambush) modern medium-range system is capable of spotting and destroying advanced aircraft at low and high altitudes.
In addition to its high mobility, Mersad's new generation can be used in electronic warfare and can be networked with other radar and defense systems, Arzhangi added.
The forces were also set to test various models of fixed and mobile radars that have been domestically manufactured or refurbished.
Air defense units from Iran's Armed Forces and the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) are taking part in the five-day air maneuvers.
More...
Description:
Iran tests radars on 3rd day of drills
Iran's military has entered the third day of its biggest ever nationwide air drills, with testing radar capabilities in defending the country's territory.
The anti-air defense units from Iran's Armed Forces and the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) are taking part in the five-day air defense maneuvers dubbed Defenders of Velayat Skies, which began on Tuesday.
According to the spokesman for the military drills Brigadier Hamid Arzhangi, various kinds of fixed and mobile radars that have been domestically manufactured or refurbished would be tested during the third day of the drills on Thursday.
He further explained that radars would be used to detect and identify objects and pass relevant data to the operational units.
The military official added that all types of the country's radar systems, which would relay intelligence to the unified command and control network of the central headquarters, would be utilized and examined during the third day of the maneuvers.
He pointed out that reconnaissance missions to detect state-of-the-art systems of theatrical enemies using radars were also on the agenda of the third day of drills.
During the second day of the maneuvers on Wednesday, advanced equipment used for communication and exchange of intelligence along with modern electro-optical systems were successfully tested and utilized.
The air maneuvers are being held near Iran's strategic sights and landmarks, aiming to assess performance of new air defense systems and enhance rapid response capabilities in countering potential aerial attacks.
Iranian military officials say the drills convey a message of peace and friendship to neighboring countries and a fierce warning against enemies.
Iran simulates Electronic Warfare in drills
An Iranian commander says the Air Force has "analyzed and conducted" Electronic Warfare (EW) missions during the first three days of its biggest defense drills.
"EW means jamming the enemies' electronic systems, equipment, and capabilities and the mission of this war is to seize and control electromagnetic fields," Colonel Moharam Qolizadeh said on Thursday.
"We have analyzed and conducted EW missions in the drills [dubbed] 'Modafean Aseman Velayt 3' (Guardians of Velayati Skies)," he added.
The colonel said the maneuvers were aimed at "spotting [the enemy] without being spotted" and tapping the enemy communications lines without compromising transmissions by Iranian forces.
Earlier on Thursday, the spokesman for the military drills Brigadier General Hamid Arzhangi said Iran had successfully tested a new generation of its first domestically-manufactured air defense system during the third day of the nationwide air drills.
The Mersad (Ambush) modern medium-range system is capable of spotting and destroying advanced aircraft at low and high altitudes.
In addition to its high mobility, Mersad's new generation can be used in electronic warfare and can be networked with other radar and defense systems, Arzhangi added.
The forces were also set to test various models of fixed and mobile radars that have been domestically manufactured or refurbished.
Air defense units from Iran's Armed Forces and the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) are taking part in the five-day air maneuvers.
2:25
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Islamic revolution in Iran - Anniv. marked in Toronto - 12Feb2011 - English
Just north of Toronto, hundreds gathered at the Islamic Society of York region to mark the anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. And the latest events in Egypt made it more relevant than ever.
Just north of Toronto, hundreds gathered at the Islamic Society of York region to mark the anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. And the latest events in Egypt made it more relevant than ever.
1:21
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Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei Justice must turn into common discussion -May17-2011 -Farsi
Justice must turn into common discussion (2011/05/17 - 17:30)
A meeting on strategic thoughts in the Islamic Republic was held Tuesday in the presence of Islamic Revolution Leader...
Justice must turn into common discussion (2011/05/17 - 17:30)
A meeting on strategic thoughts in the Islamic Republic was held Tuesday in the presence of Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei where several scholars presented their papers and exchanged views with the IR Leader on the issue of social justice. This is the second meeting on such strategic thoughts ever held.
In the 4-hour session, 10 scholars expressed their views on the notion, aspects and functions of \"justice in society\".
Next, Ayatollah Khamenei delivered a speech, saying that Iranian intellectuals and thinkers must engage in a serious exchange of views until a genuine Islamic view of justice is developed based on Islamic sources and teachings.
The IR Leader appreciated the overall efforts made in the past three decades for the purpose of social justice in the country, adding however that the current status of justice in society was never satisfying the demands of Islam as the faith seek a maximum implementation of justice as a global value.
Ayatollah Khamenei called the Tuesday session a starting point, adding that the notion of justice must turn into a common discussion among the elites until it bears its blessing fruits.
Ayatollah Khamenei said justice has been a preoccupation for human being throughout history and that unlike many theories made by different intellectuals, divine faiths have played an exceptional role in the expansion of justice worldwide.
Ayatollah Khamenei said in view of the Holy Koran, the divine messengers sought justice as their main aim and that such an attention to justice has never been paid by any human school of thought. \"The divine messengers also struggled with oppressors and supported the oppressed besides elucidating the notion of justice while theorists of justice only paid lip services to the concept,\" the IR Leader said.
Ayatollah Khamenei said the divine faiths also differ from human schools of though in that they believe that human history ultimately ends in an era full of justice.
Ayatollah Khamenei said the divine faiths have all depicted a similar track for human being which eventually leads to justice and for the same reason, the issue of justice has found an exceptional status in the Islamic Republic from the advent of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and has been underscored in the national slogans and views of Imam Khomeini (R.A.)
Ayatollah Khamenei said justice has been the foremost objective of the Iranian Islamic System from the outset. He however expressed dissatisfaction over the current status of justice in the society and said that the Islamic Republic seeks a full implementation of justice and removal of the existing gaps based on Islamic views and for that purpose, serious, all-out efforts were needed.
Ayatollah Khamenei also noted that for the Islamic Iran, trial and error approach to social justice was a thing of the past and that from now on, any projects in this domain must be carried out based on a solid platform.
The IR Leader said greater decisions were needed in order to keep the current speedy national progress however the drive must go hand in hand with justice so as to avoid irreparable losses.
Ayatollah Khamenei urged the scholars to avoid any confusion of Islamic views of justice with those of other schools of thought and that the Islamic theory of justice should be purely developed through genuine Islamic sources. Ayatollah Khamenei said every school of thought defines justice based on its own ontology and for the same reason the views of human schools of thought concerning justice must be shunned in the development of the Islamic theory.
\"Islam considers implementation of justice as a divine duty unlike human schools of thoughts,\" he added.
Ayatollah Khamenei also noted that no prejudgment is allowed in the development of the theory and rather the theory must be developed through serious exchange of views between domestic scholars and the exchange of views must continue even after a theory as such was developed.
The IR Leader said the scholars were expected to arrive at a solid definition and mechanism of justice in the first place so as to be followed up in the future, long-term national projects, and afterwards, newer researches must be conducted to develop possible relevant executive methods.
Ayatollah Khamenei then proposed the university and the Howza (Islamic seminary) establish a course on justice studies and called it a useful investment for implementation of social justice and training of powerful human resources to that effect.
The IR Leader also urged building independent, Islam-based assessment indicators to see whether and to what extents social justice has been materialized, adding that many western indicators in this domain are either incomplete or totally wrong.
The Islamic Revolution Leader also urged the parliament and the Constitutional Guardian Council to heed the issue of justice in their ratifications or verifications, adding that many projects had remained to be carried out for the purpose of social justice.
Ayatollah Khamenei wrapped his remarks by saying that justice could not be implemented in a society which has no belief in God as origin of creation or Day of Resurrection as a day when people are awarded or punished for their deeds. He said every individual in the society was also expected to implement justice in his or her self and that the individual efforts would help keep the person from sins and indirectly advance the social justice.
More...
Description:
Justice must turn into common discussion (2011/05/17 - 17:30)
A meeting on strategic thoughts in the Islamic Republic was held Tuesday in the presence of Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei where several scholars presented their papers and exchanged views with the IR Leader on the issue of social justice. This is the second meeting on such strategic thoughts ever held.
In the 4-hour session, 10 scholars expressed their views on the notion, aspects and functions of \"justice in society\".
Next, Ayatollah Khamenei delivered a speech, saying that Iranian intellectuals and thinkers must engage in a serious exchange of views until a genuine Islamic view of justice is developed based on Islamic sources and teachings.
The IR Leader appreciated the overall efforts made in the past three decades for the purpose of social justice in the country, adding however that the current status of justice in society was never satisfying the demands of Islam as the faith seek a maximum implementation of justice as a global value.
Ayatollah Khamenei called the Tuesday session a starting point, adding that the notion of justice must turn into a common discussion among the elites until it bears its blessing fruits.
Ayatollah Khamenei said justice has been a preoccupation for human being throughout history and that unlike many theories made by different intellectuals, divine faiths have played an exceptional role in the expansion of justice worldwide.
Ayatollah Khamenei said in view of the Holy Koran, the divine messengers sought justice as their main aim and that such an attention to justice has never been paid by any human school of thought. \"The divine messengers also struggled with oppressors and supported the oppressed besides elucidating the notion of justice while theorists of justice only paid lip services to the concept,\" the IR Leader said.
Ayatollah Khamenei said the divine faiths also differ from human schools of though in that they believe that human history ultimately ends in an era full of justice.
Ayatollah Khamenei said the divine faiths have all depicted a similar track for human being which eventually leads to justice and for the same reason, the issue of justice has found an exceptional status in the Islamic Republic from the advent of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and has been underscored in the national slogans and views of Imam Khomeini (R.A.)
Ayatollah Khamenei said justice has been the foremost objective of the Iranian Islamic System from the outset. He however expressed dissatisfaction over the current status of justice in the society and said that the Islamic Republic seeks a full implementation of justice and removal of the existing gaps based on Islamic views and for that purpose, serious, all-out efforts were needed.
Ayatollah Khamenei also noted that for the Islamic Iran, trial and error approach to social justice was a thing of the past and that from now on, any projects in this domain must be carried out based on a solid platform.
The IR Leader said greater decisions were needed in order to keep the current speedy national progress however the drive must go hand in hand with justice so as to avoid irreparable losses.
Ayatollah Khamenei urged the scholars to avoid any confusion of Islamic views of justice with those of other schools of thought and that the Islamic theory of justice should be purely developed through genuine Islamic sources. Ayatollah Khamenei said every school of thought defines justice based on its own ontology and for the same reason the views of human schools of thought concerning justice must be shunned in the development of the Islamic theory.
\"Islam considers implementation of justice as a divine duty unlike human schools of thoughts,\" he added.
Ayatollah Khamenei also noted that no prejudgment is allowed in the development of the theory and rather the theory must be developed through serious exchange of views between domestic scholars and the exchange of views must continue even after a theory as such was developed.
The IR Leader said the scholars were expected to arrive at a solid definition and mechanism of justice in the first place so as to be followed up in the future, long-term national projects, and afterwards, newer researches must be conducted to develop possible relevant executive methods.
Ayatollah Khamenei then proposed the university and the Howza (Islamic seminary) establish a course on justice studies and called it a useful investment for implementation of social justice and training of powerful human resources to that effect.
The IR Leader also urged building independent, Islam-based assessment indicators to see whether and to what extents social justice has been materialized, adding that many western indicators in this domain are either incomplete or totally wrong.
The Islamic Revolution Leader also urged the parliament and the Constitutional Guardian Council to heed the issue of justice in their ratifications or verifications, adding that many projects had remained to be carried out for the purpose of social justice.
Ayatollah Khamenei wrapped his remarks by saying that justice could not be implemented in a society which has no belief in God as origin of creation or Day of Resurrection as a day when people are awarded or punished for their deeds. He said every individual in the society was also expected to implement justice in his or her self and that the individual efforts would help keep the person from sins and indirectly advance the social justice.
بیانات در دیدار جمعی از بانوان نخبه 1/3/1390 - Speech to Elite Women May 22-2011 - Farsi
**DETAILS**
Western attitude towards women must be challenged (2011/05/22 - 20:48)
Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei in a meeting with hundreds of Iranian women...
**DETAILS**
Western attitude towards women must be challenged (2011/05/22 - 20:48)
Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei in a meeting with hundreds of Iranian women scholars and top personalities said Islam views women as master of family, adding that the Islamic system must do more to fully revive the genuine, Islamic status of women in society and family.
Ayatollah Khamenei in the meeting which was held on Sunday on the eve of the birth anniversary of Hadhrat Fatema Zahra (S.A.) and the day of women, congratulated the auspicious day and said the gathering of large number of women intellectuals shows the Iranian women were moving towards the apex of perfection and that the Islamic system has succeeded to raise intellectual women who hold their own opinion concerning different social issues.
Ayatollah Khamenei said problems of the world today stemmed largely from the west\'s wrong attitude towards the status of women in society and family and that the wrong attitude has triggered a crisis.
Ayatollah Khamenei said the west has established an unfair equation in society under which the men are the beneficiary and the women are the benefit, and based on the equation, the women must act in such ways as to satisfy the beneficiary. \"This is the most immense oppression ever against women,\" the IR Leader said.
The IR Leader touched on an organized and gradual drive by the west to instill the nations with such wrong ideas as to status of women, and that to the same effect, if someone moves to condemn such behaviors that are fed by female attractions, he or she would be treated with western media\'s hue and cry.
Ayatollah Khamenei said another outcome of the western oppressive attitude towards women is its open objection to Hijab. \"The west claims that Hijab is a religiously-motivated issue and must not be allowed to appear in atheist societies however its true motivation for that objection is that Hijab challenges its strategic policy in seeking women promiscuity,\" the IR Leader said.
Ayatollah Khamenei noted that based on official reports of relevant global centers, the western attitude towards women has led to a fragile familial structure, speedy growth of shameful trade in women and the phenomenon of illegitimately-born children. He said the Islamic Republic should expressly and relentlessly challenge the western ideas concerning women and meet its responsibility in defending the true status of women.
As to status of women in the country, Ayatollah Khamenei said a legal lever was needed in order to materialize the Islamic views concerning women and family, adding that despite all good works done since the Islamic Revolution (1979), there were still many deficiencies as to how women must be treated in family.
\"The family environment must become a safe, dignified and tranquil one for women so that they could do their best in fulfilling their main task which is to care the family,\" Ayatollah Khamenei said.
Ayatollah Khamenei also said the issue of women and family would be set as topic of discussion and research in the seminars on strategic thoughts in the Islamic Republic of which two seminars have already been staged in the presence of the IR Leader.
Ayatollah Khamenei urged the intellectual women to join the seminar, adding that the women-related issue must be studied and tackled based on Islamic teachings and the findings must be followed in future planning.
Meanwhile, in the meeting, 10 intellectual women figures expressed their views concerning different cultural, social and political issues.
More...
Description:
**DETAILS**
Western attitude towards women must be challenged (2011/05/22 - 20:48)
Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei in a meeting with hundreds of Iranian women scholars and top personalities said Islam views women as master of family, adding that the Islamic system must do more to fully revive the genuine, Islamic status of women in society and family.
Ayatollah Khamenei in the meeting which was held on Sunday on the eve of the birth anniversary of Hadhrat Fatema Zahra (S.A.) and the day of women, congratulated the auspicious day and said the gathering of large number of women intellectuals shows the Iranian women were moving towards the apex of perfection and that the Islamic system has succeeded to raise intellectual women who hold their own opinion concerning different social issues.
Ayatollah Khamenei said problems of the world today stemmed largely from the west\'s wrong attitude towards the status of women in society and family and that the wrong attitude has triggered a crisis.
Ayatollah Khamenei said the west has established an unfair equation in society under which the men are the beneficiary and the women are the benefit, and based on the equation, the women must act in such ways as to satisfy the beneficiary. \"This is the most immense oppression ever against women,\" the IR Leader said.
The IR Leader touched on an organized and gradual drive by the west to instill the nations with such wrong ideas as to status of women, and that to the same effect, if someone moves to condemn such behaviors that are fed by female attractions, he or she would be treated with western media\'s hue and cry.
Ayatollah Khamenei said another outcome of the western oppressive attitude towards women is its open objection to Hijab. \"The west claims that Hijab is a religiously-motivated issue and must not be allowed to appear in atheist societies however its true motivation for that objection is that Hijab challenges its strategic policy in seeking women promiscuity,\" the IR Leader said.
Ayatollah Khamenei noted that based on official reports of relevant global centers, the western attitude towards women has led to a fragile familial structure, speedy growth of shameful trade in women and the phenomenon of illegitimately-born children. He said the Islamic Republic should expressly and relentlessly challenge the western ideas concerning women and meet its responsibility in defending the true status of women.
As to status of women in the country, Ayatollah Khamenei said a legal lever was needed in order to materialize the Islamic views concerning women and family, adding that despite all good works done since the Islamic Revolution (1979), there were still many deficiencies as to how women must be treated in family.
\"The family environment must become a safe, dignified and tranquil one for women so that they could do their best in fulfilling their main task which is to care the family,\" Ayatollah Khamenei said.
Ayatollah Khamenei also said the issue of women and family would be set as topic of discussion and research in the seminars on strategic thoughts in the Islamic Republic of which two seminars have already been staged in the presence of the IR Leader.
Ayatollah Khamenei urged the intellectual women to join the seminar, adding that the women-related issue must be studied and tackled based on Islamic teachings and the findings must be followed in future planning.
Meanwhile, in the meeting, 10 intellectual women figures expressed their views concerning different cultural, social and political issues.
0:50
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Supreme Leader Praises Iranian Nation Resistance against Bullying Powers - June27 - Farsi
Supreme Leader Praises Iranian Nation\\\'s Resistance against Bullying Powers
TEHRAN (FNA)- Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei downplayed the plots...
Supreme Leader Praises Iranian Nation\\\'s Resistance against Bullying Powers
TEHRAN (FNA)- Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei downplayed the plots hatched by the enemies against the Iranian people, and hailed the nation\\\'s resistance against such pressures as a main cause of the country\\\'s giant progress.
\\\"Owing to its exalted goals, that is attainment of Islamic values and realization of Islamic fundamentals in the society and their spread throughout the world, the Iranian nation has and will always be faced with the world bullying, colonialist and dictatorial powers and the hardships imposed (on Iran) by them,\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei said in a meeting with the head and the senior officials of the Iranian judiciary on Monday morning.
Yet, the Leader described the hardships and pressures imposed by the world powers as the main cause of Iran\\\'s progress in different fields, and called on the Iranian nation to increase its patience, wisdom and resistance against the enemy plots to make further progress.
\\\"Hence, everyone should stand up to hardships with insightful patience and turn sufferings into a ladder for progress and promotion,\\\" he said.
In relevant remarks earlier this month, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said enemies are deeply fearful of Iran\\\'s progress and are, thus, doing their best to stop Iran\\\'s development and advancement.
The president stressed that \\\"enemies are afraid of Iran\\\'s development as they know Iran\\\'s development and advancement would back up its divine ideology and school of thought\\\".
\\\"That\\\'s why enemies are endeavoring to prevent Iran\\\'s development even before attacking our school of thought,\\\" he said, and underlined that all enemy moves are aimed at blocking Iran\\\'s path of progress.
\\\"Today development and construction are moving ahead with an increasing momentum, and the Iranian nation is doing what others once wished to do and thought to be impossible,\\\" Ahmadinejad continued.
More...
Description:
Supreme Leader Praises Iranian Nation\\\'s Resistance against Bullying Powers
TEHRAN (FNA)- Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei downplayed the plots hatched by the enemies against the Iranian people, and hailed the nation\\\'s resistance against such pressures as a main cause of the country\\\'s giant progress.
\\\"Owing to its exalted goals, that is attainment of Islamic values and realization of Islamic fundamentals in the society and their spread throughout the world, the Iranian nation has and will always be faced with the world bullying, colonialist and dictatorial powers and the hardships imposed (on Iran) by them,\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei said in a meeting with the head and the senior officials of the Iranian judiciary on Monday morning.
Yet, the Leader described the hardships and pressures imposed by the world powers as the main cause of Iran\\\'s progress in different fields, and called on the Iranian nation to increase its patience, wisdom and resistance against the enemy plots to make further progress.
\\\"Hence, everyone should stand up to hardships with insightful patience and turn sufferings into a ladder for progress and promotion,\\\" he said.
In relevant remarks earlier this month, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said enemies are deeply fearful of Iran\\\'s progress and are, thus, doing their best to stop Iran\\\'s development and advancement.
The president stressed that \\\"enemies are afraid of Iran\\\'s development as they know Iran\\\'s development and advancement would back up its divine ideology and school of thought\\\".
\\\"That\\\'s why enemies are endeavoring to prevent Iran\\\'s development even before attacking our school of thought,\\\" he said, and underlined that all enemy moves are aimed at blocking Iran\\\'s path of progress.
\\\"Today development and construction are moving ahead with an increasing momentum, and the Iranian nation is doing what others once wished to do and thought to be impossible,\\\" Ahmadinejad continued.
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Government says PressTV and RussiaToday are the enemy - English
Very relevant since UK is going to shut down PressTV on SKY! The Broadcasting Board of Governors is a bipartisan board comprised of nine members. Eight are appointed by the U.S. President and...
Very relevant since UK is going to shut down PressTV on SKY! The Broadcasting Board of Governors is a bipartisan board comprised of nine members. Eight are appointed by the U.S. President and confirmed by the Senate; the ninth is the Secretary of State who serves ex officio Hilary Clinton
We can't allow ourselves to be out-communicated by our enemies said Walter Isaacson, chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors. "You've got Russia Today, Iran's Press TV Venezuela's TeleSUR, and of course, China is launching an international broadcasting 24-hour news channel with correspondents around the world [and has] reportedly set aside $6 10 billion dollars -- we have to go to Capitol Hill with that number to expand their overseas media operations
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Description:
Very relevant since UK is going to shut down PressTV on SKY! The Broadcasting Board of Governors is a bipartisan board comprised of nine members. Eight are appointed by the U.S. President and confirmed by the Senate; the ninth is the Secretary of State who serves ex officio Hilary Clinton
We can't allow ourselves to be out-communicated by our enemies said Walter Isaacson, chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors. "You've got Russia Today, Iran's Press TV Venezuela's TeleSUR, and of course, China is launching an international broadcasting 24-hour news channel with correspondents around the world [and has] reportedly set aside $6 10 billion dollars -- we have to go to Capitol Hill with that number to expand their overseas media operations
[9 January 2012] Press Conference - شیعہ علما و اکابرین - Karachi Press Club - Urdu
Shia parties\\\' leaders, scholars and notables have warned the relevant authorities that all Shia Muslims would launch a countrywide protest movement if the killers involved in the targeted murder...
Shia parties\\\' leaders, scholars and notables have warned the relevant authorities that all Shia Muslims would launch a countrywide protest movement if the killers involved in the targeted murder of martyr Askari Raza are not arrested without any delay.
They also reminded neither the Governor Sindh investigating commission was formed nor the nominated murderer Aurangzeb Farooqi of banned Nasbi-Wahhabi terrorist outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi/Sipah-e-Sahaba and his patron SSP Aslam Chaudhry were arrested despite passage of a week.
Wisdom Gateway News
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Description:
Shia parties\\\' leaders, scholars and notables have warned the relevant authorities that all Shia Muslims would launch a countrywide protest movement if the killers involved in the targeted murder of martyr Askari Raza are not arrested without any delay.
They also reminded neither the Governor Sindh investigating commission was formed nor the nominated murderer Aurangzeb Farooqi of banned Nasbi-Wahhabi terrorist outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi/Sipah-e-Sahaba and his patron SSP Aslam Chaudhry were arrested despite passage of a week.
Wisdom Gateway News
2:53
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H.I. Sadiq Taqvi Interview to Media About Shia Killing in Pakistan - Urdu
Leaders of Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen Molana Sadiq Raza Taqvi condemned the targeted murder of additional session judge. They warned the judiciary if genocide of Shia Muslims continues unabated,...
Leaders of Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen Molana Sadiq Raza Taqvi condemned the targeted murder of additional session judge. They warned the judiciary if genocide of Shia Muslims continues unabated, namaz-e-janaza of all martyrs would be held outside of Supreme Court.
It is relevant to mention here that namaz-e-janaza of martyr Askari Raza was held outside of Sindh's Governor House as a token of protest against the government's inaction against the terrorists.
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Description:
Leaders of Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen Molana Sadiq Raza Taqvi condemned the targeted murder of additional session judge. They warned the judiciary if genocide of Shia Muslims continues unabated, namaz-e-janaza of all martyrs would be held outside of Supreme Court.
It is relevant to mention here that namaz-e-janaza of martyr Askari Raza was held outside of Sindh's Governor House as a token of protest against the government's inaction against the terrorists.
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[MC-2012] Cultural Relevancy - Panel Discussion - English
[MC-2012] Cultural Relevancy - Panel Discussion - English
Muslim Congress Conference 2012 - Dearborn Michigan USA
[MC-2012] Cultural Relevancy - Panel Discussion - English
Muslim Congress Conference 2012 - Dearborn Michigan USA
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