43:05
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Press Cofernece with Embassadors - Mottaki says West dramatizing riots - English
Iran's Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki speaks out against Western efforts that seek to dramatize the post-election unrest in the country.
Washington and a slew of European powers, in recent...
Iran's Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki speaks out against Western efforts that seek to dramatize the post-election unrest in the country.
Washington and a slew of European powers, in recent days, have lashed out at governmental moves to restore security in the country.
"We call on the Iranian government to stop all violent and unjust actions against its own people" The Iranian government must understand that the world is watching," said US President Barack Obama said in a Saturday statement.
Britain, France and other European countries have also taken a similar stance on the Iranian elections.
In a Sunday address to foreign reporters, Mottaki responded to "irresponsible and intrusive remarks" made by certain Western countries.
He focused much of his criticism on France, Germany and Britain, advising them to "think twice before questioning the democratic process of the recent election."
Mottaki criticized the British foreign secretary for his inappropriate and illogical comments on Iran's elections. He blamed Britain for causing insecurity in the Middle East by helping create the Zionist regime decades ago.
The foreign minister also criticized France for what he called irresponsible remarks on Iran's elections and demanded an apology from Paris. Germany also came under criticism. Mottaki said Berlin's position on Iran indicated that German officials were intimidated by Israelis.
He said policymakers in the West need to have "a clear picture" of the historic elections, which saw Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected for a second term in office.
Presidential contenders Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi reject the result as fraudulent and demand a re-run.
Their supporters have staged rallies, which have largely grabbed headlines in most media outlets.
In response to recent claims of election irregularities, Mottaki said that the election process and the whole structure observing the polls is such that makes the possibility of vote rigging 'close to zero'.
Mottaki, however, asserted that due to the government's respect for democracy, Iranian authorities would look into the protests lodged against the election results and present the findings by the end of the week.
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Iran's Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki speaks out against Western efforts that seek to dramatize the post-election unrest in the country.
Washington and a slew of European powers, in recent days, have lashed out at governmental moves to restore security in the country.
"We call on the Iranian government to stop all violent and unjust actions against its own people" The Iranian government must understand that the world is watching," said US President Barack Obama said in a Saturday statement.
Britain, France and other European countries have also taken a similar stance on the Iranian elections.
In a Sunday address to foreign reporters, Mottaki responded to "irresponsible and intrusive remarks" made by certain Western countries.
He focused much of his criticism on France, Germany and Britain, advising them to "think twice before questioning the democratic process of the recent election."
Mottaki criticized the British foreign secretary for his inappropriate and illogical comments on Iran's elections. He blamed Britain for causing insecurity in the Middle East by helping create the Zionist regime decades ago.
The foreign minister also criticized France for what he called irresponsible remarks on Iran's elections and demanded an apology from Paris. Germany also came under criticism. Mottaki said Berlin's position on Iran indicated that German officials were intimidated by Israelis.
He said policymakers in the West need to have "a clear picture" of the historic elections, which saw Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected for a second term in office.
Presidential contenders Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi reject the result as fraudulent and demand a re-run.
Their supporters have staged rallies, which have largely grabbed headlines in most media outlets.
In response to recent claims of election irregularities, Mottaki said that the election process and the whole structure observing the polls is such that makes the possibility of vote rigging 'close to zero'.
Mottaki, however, asserted that due to the government's respect for democracy, Iranian authorities would look into the protests lodged against the election results and present the findings by the end of the week.
0:50
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Egyptian Govt. Arrests 154 Members of Opposition Muslim Brotherhood - 17 Oct 2010 - English
Egypt detains 154 opposition members
The Egyptian government has detained 154 members of the country's largest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood, ahead of general elections....
Egypt detains 154 opposition members
The Egyptian government has detained 154 members of the country's largest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood, ahead of general elections.
According to the Muslim Brotherhood, the arrests were made in 17 different governorates just days after the group said it would field independent candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections.
Egyptian security forces, however, say they detained the opposition members over alleged plans to cause disturbance.
The group's lawyer Abdul Monem Abdul Maqsoud told reporters in Cairo on Sunday that 70 detainees remain in custody but the others were released after questioning, DPA reported.
Abdul Maqsoud said the arrests were aimed at spreading fear among opposition supporters to keep people from joining the election campaign.
Meanwhile, prominent Egyptian opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei earlier called for a boycott of the elections.
The Muslim Brotherhood has defended its decision to field candidates.
"We participate for Egypt's sake," Muslim Brotherhood spokesman Essam el-Erian said last week. "Participation is the best way to expose the corruption of the regime."
Independent Muslim Brotherhood candidates won nearly a fifth of the People's Assembly seats in the 2005 general elections.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/147103.html
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Egypt detains 154 opposition members
The Egyptian government has detained 154 members of the country's largest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood, ahead of general elections.
According to the Muslim Brotherhood, the arrests were made in 17 different governorates just days after the group said it would field independent candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections.
Egyptian security forces, however, say they detained the opposition members over alleged plans to cause disturbance.
The group's lawyer Abdul Monem Abdul Maqsoud told reporters in Cairo on Sunday that 70 detainees remain in custody but the others were released after questioning, DPA reported.
Abdul Maqsoud said the arrests were aimed at spreading fear among opposition supporters to keep people from joining the election campaign.
Meanwhile, prominent Egyptian opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei earlier called for a boycott of the elections.
The Muslim Brotherhood has defended its decision to field candidates.
"We participate for Egypt's sake," Muslim Brotherhood spokesman Essam el-Erian said last week. "Participation is the best way to expose the corruption of the regime."
Independent Muslim Brotherhood candidates won nearly a fifth of the People's Assembly seats in the 2005 general elections.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/147103.html
2:42
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[14 June 13] Leader casts early votes in Iran polls - English
Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has cast his ballots in Iran\\\\\\\'s 11th presidential and 4th city and rural council elections as the polls officially opened across...
Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has cast his ballots in Iran\\\\\\\'s 11th presidential and 4th city and rural council elections as the polls officially opened across the country. Speaking to reporters after casting his votes minutes after the opening of the polls early Friday, the Leader stressed the importance of the Iranian nation\\\\\\\'s \\\\\\\"effective, timely, massive and enthusiastic\\\\\\\" participation in the elections.
\\\\\\\"The dear Iranian people should enter the scene of elections with fervor and motivation, and [they should] know that the destiny of the country and prosperity of the nation depend on their presence and the choice they make,\\\\\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei stated. The Leader said the Iranian people play a key role in determining their fate, and that is the reason behind enemies\\\\\\\' propaganda campaigns against the nation.
The enemies have made every effort to create voter apathy in Iran by trying to incite \\\\\\\"cynicism and despair\\\\\\\" among Iranians, Ayatollah Khamenei underlined.
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Description:
Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has cast his ballots in Iran\\\\\\\'s 11th presidential and 4th city and rural council elections as the polls officially opened across the country. Speaking to reporters after casting his votes minutes after the opening of the polls early Friday, the Leader stressed the importance of the Iranian nation\\\\\\\'s \\\\\\\"effective, timely, massive and enthusiastic\\\\\\\" participation in the elections.
\\\\\\\"The dear Iranian people should enter the scene of elections with fervor and motivation, and [they should] know that the destiny of the country and prosperity of the nation depend on their presence and the choice they make,\\\\\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei stated. The Leader said the Iranian people play a key role in determining their fate, and that is the reason behind enemies\\\\\\\' propaganda campaigns against the nation.
The enemies have made every effort to create voter apathy in Iran by trying to incite \\\\\\\"cynicism and despair\\\\\\\" among Iranians, Ayatollah Khamenei underlined.
1:21
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[14 June 13] Iran religious minorities, expatriates take part in presidential vote - English
Amid massive turnout of voters in Friday\'s elections, Iranian religious minorities and expatriates have also joined their compatriots to cast their ballots, Press TV reports.
\"We...
Amid massive turnout of voters in Friday\'s elections, Iranian religious minorities and expatriates have also joined their compatriots to cast their ballots, Press TV reports.
\"We Zoroastrians always, especially today on June 14th that\'s a very special day, feel [that] we are part of the elections because we would like to [participate in the election].... We are duty-bound religiously ... to stand shoulder by shoulder alongside our Muslim, Christian, Jewish and other religious minorities to take part in the enthusiastic elections,\" Rashid Khorshidian, a Zoroastrian voter, told Press TV.
\"When it comes to the destiny of Iran, we should all try to pick the right and most qualified person as the next president so that he would be able to serve Iran,\" Ebrahim Saidian, a Jewish voter, told Press TV. Iranian expatriates in over 90 countries are also voting to choose a new president for their country. Over 850,000 ballot papers have been sent to polling stations overseas.
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Amid massive turnout of voters in Friday\'s elections, Iranian religious minorities and expatriates have also joined their compatriots to cast their ballots, Press TV reports.
\"We Zoroastrians always, especially today on June 14th that\'s a very special day, feel [that] we are part of the elections because we would like to [participate in the election].... We are duty-bound religiously ... to stand shoulder by shoulder alongside our Muslim, Christian, Jewish and other religious minorities to take part in the enthusiastic elections,\" Rashid Khorshidian, a Zoroastrian voter, told Press TV.
\"When it comes to the destiny of Iran, we should all try to pick the right and most qualified person as the next president so that he would be able to serve Iran,\" Ebrahim Saidian, a Jewish voter, told Press TV. Iranian expatriates in over 90 countries are also voting to choose a new president for their country. Over 850,000 ballot papers have been sent to polling stations overseas.
24:31
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[09 July 13] Debate: Egypt at a crossroads - English
Egypt\\\'s interim president, Adly Mansour, has issued a decree giving himself power to make laws after consulting with the new government.
The decree said that a constitutional assembly would...
Egypt\\\'s interim president, Adly Mansour, has issued a decree giving himself power to make laws after consulting with the new government.
The decree said that a constitutional assembly would be formed in two weeks, and a constitutional referendum would be held within four-and-a-half months.
Parliamentary elections would be held within 15 days of the constitution\\\'s approval by a referendum. Those elections must be held \\\"over a period of no more than two months.\\\" New presidential elections would be called once the new legislative chamber is in place, the decree said.
Since last week, Egypt has been the scene of rival rallies and clashes between thousands of supporters and opponents of the ousted president.
Morsi is reportedly being held \\\"preventively\\\" by the military. Senior army officials say he might face formal charges over accusations made by his opponents.
In this edition of the show we ask; is a peaceful transition of power possible or will the overthrow of the country\\\'s first democratically elected leader drag the country, which is already polarized and divided, to the brink of civil war?
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Egypt\\\'s interim president, Adly Mansour, has issued a decree giving himself power to make laws after consulting with the new government.
The decree said that a constitutional assembly would be formed in two weeks, and a constitutional referendum would be held within four-and-a-half months.
Parliamentary elections would be held within 15 days of the constitution\\\'s approval by a referendum. Those elections must be held \\\"over a period of no more than two months.\\\" New presidential elections would be called once the new legislative chamber is in place, the decree said.
Since last week, Egypt has been the scene of rival rallies and clashes between thousands of supporters and opponents of the ousted president.
Morsi is reportedly being held \\\"preventively\\\" by the military. Senior army officials say he might face formal charges over accusations made by his opponents.
In this edition of the show we ask; is a peaceful transition of power possible or will the overthrow of the country\\\'s first democratically elected leader drag the country, which is already polarized and divided, to the brink of civil war?
1:42
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[26 Nov 2013] Iraqi Kurdish leaders reach agreement on new government - English
Officials in Iraq\'s Kurdistan Region say they\'re making progress with forming the new government following September\'s elections.
Kurdistan\'s main opposition party - the Change Movement -...
Officials in Iraq\'s Kurdistan Region say they\'re making progress with forming the new government following September\'s elections.
Kurdistan\'s main opposition party - the Change Movement - came second in the elections. The party has now agreed to join the government with the winning Kurdistan Democratic Party.
The Change Movement and the Democratic Party have enough seats to form a majority. But Kurdistan\'s Islamic parties are also trying to join the new government. It\'s unclear who will take on the role of the opposition.
The Change Movement is still discussing details of the new government with Kurdistan\'s Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani.
The Democratic Party\'s historical partner - the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan - will also join the new government - despite its third place finish in the elections. However, officials say that Prime Minister Barzani wants to include other parties rather than continue the duopoly between the Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union.
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Description:
Officials in Iraq\'s Kurdistan Region say they\'re making progress with forming the new government following September\'s elections.
Kurdistan\'s main opposition party - the Change Movement - came second in the elections. The party has now agreed to join the government with the winning Kurdistan Democratic Party.
The Change Movement and the Democratic Party have enough seats to form a majority. But Kurdistan\'s Islamic parties are also trying to join the new government. It\'s unclear who will take on the role of the opposition.
The Change Movement is still discussing details of the new government with Kurdistan\'s Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani.
The Democratic Party\'s historical partner - the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan - will also join the new government - despite its third place finish in the elections. However, officials say that Prime Minister Barzani wants to include other parties rather than continue the duopoly between the Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union.
21:39
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Discussing the Crazy Election Chaos in America | IP Talk Show | English
Trump or Biden? The bottom line is, they’re two sides of the same coin! A fast-paced and passionate discussion between three Howza students at the Islamic Seminary of Qom, discussing some of the...
Trump or Biden? The bottom line is, they’re two sides of the same coin! A fast-paced and passionate discussion between three Howza students at the Islamic Seminary of Qom, discussing some of the most relevant (or perhaps, irrelevant) issues of today. What do the American elections mean for us as Muslims globally? This is the first of a two-part discussion, the focus of which is Imam Khamenei’s speech on the auspicious occasion of the birth Anniversary of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (S) & Imam Sadiq (A). The full speech is entitled: \\\"U.S. elections don’t affect Iran\\\'s policy toward the U.S.” and you can find it at Khamenei.ir. Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Shaykh Ali Qomi and Sayyid Shahryar discuss…
#IPTalkShow #IslamicPulse #ImamKhamenei #Khamenei #Trump #Biden #election #vote #politics #trump #news #usa #elections #democrat #biden #congress #donaldtrump #KamalaHarris #democrats #america #joebiden #covid #republican
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Description:
Trump or Biden? The bottom line is, they’re two sides of the same coin! A fast-paced and passionate discussion between three Howza students at the Islamic Seminary of Qom, discussing some of the most relevant (or perhaps, irrelevant) issues of today. What do the American elections mean for us as Muslims globally? This is the first of a two-part discussion, the focus of which is Imam Khamenei’s speech on the auspicious occasion of the birth Anniversary of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (S) & Imam Sadiq (A). The full speech is entitled: \\\"U.S. elections don’t affect Iran\\\'s policy toward the U.S.” and you can find it at Khamenei.ir. Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Shaykh Ali Qomi and Sayyid Shahryar discuss…
#IPTalkShow #IslamicPulse #ImamKhamenei #Khamenei #Trump #Biden #election #vote #politics #trump #news #usa #elections #democrat #biden #congress #donaldtrump #KamalaHarris #democrats #america #joebiden #covid #republican
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1:55
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Bahraini HR Centre Deeply Concerned About Opposition Activists Being Criminalized - 17 Oct 2010 - English
The Bahraini Human Rights Centre Deeply Concerned About Opposition Activists Being Criminalised By the Bahraini Government - Press TV News Report - Detailed.
Bahraini authorities have prevented...
The Bahraini Human Rights Centre Deeply Concerned About Opposition Activists Being Criminalised By the Bahraini Government - Press TV News Report - Detailed.
Bahraini authorities have prevented international and local organizations from monitoring the media coverage of the upcoming parliamentary elections.
The Bahraini Center for Human Rights has expressed extreme concern about the government's tight control over the media and its efforts to keep the elections in the dark by refusing international monitoring of the vote.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/146846.html
Amnesty International says more than 200 people, arrested as part of a clampdown against Shia political opposition in Bahrain, are at the risk of being tortured.
Around 250 individuals in Bahrain, who are believed to have been detained, are at risk of torture, the group said in a statement on Monday.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/146255.html
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Description:
The Bahraini Human Rights Centre Deeply Concerned About Opposition Activists Being Criminalised By the Bahraini Government - Press TV News Report - Detailed.
Bahraini authorities have prevented international and local organizations from monitoring the media coverage of the upcoming parliamentary elections.
The Bahraini Center for Human Rights has expressed extreme concern about the government's tight control over the media and its efforts to keep the elections in the dark by refusing international monitoring of the vote.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/146846.html
Amnesty International says more than 200 people, arrested as part of a clampdown against Shia political opposition in Bahrain, are at the risk of being tortured.
Around 250 individuals in Bahrain, who are believed to have been detained, are at risk of torture, the group said in a statement on Monday.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/146255.html
13:20
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Imam Khamenei Addressing a large crowd Qom Holy City - P1 - 19Oct2010 - English
Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said Tuesday that enemies of Iran have failed to divide Iranian authorities.
Addressing a large crowd in this holy city, Ayatollah...
Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said Tuesday that enemies of Iran have failed to divide Iranian authorities.
Addressing a large crowd in this holy city, Ayatollah Khamenei said that riots of the last year\\\'s post presidential elections era have insured the Islamic Revolution as it added to the public insight.
\\\'The presence of 40 million of Iranians in the last year\\\'s presidential elections has angered enemies of the country and defused their conspiracies,\\\' the Supreme Leader told his well-wishers.
The Ayatollah arrived in Qom earlier on Tuesday amid warm and enthusiastic welcome of the local people.
Ayatollah Khamenei stressed that enemies have failed to undermine people\\\'s religious sentiments through negative propaganda.
\\\'Enemies are seeking an Islam without clerics and without politics as they know how clerics can play an effective role in people\\\'s daily lives and have significant effects on the society and public moves,\\\' said the Ayatollah.
The Supreme Leader stressed that Iranians would continue their move towards a brighter future by making more progress and defusing enemies\\\' conspiracies.
Enemies do not refer to strong points but they, instead, multiply weak points, if any, in order to disappoint the people, the young generation in particular, and try to portray a dark future for them in order to make them leave the scene\\\' of social and political life, Ayatollah Khamenei said.
The Supreme Leader arrived in this holy city Tuesday morning amid the warm and enthusiastic welcome of the local people.
Qom is considered as the religious capital of Iran.
During the past 32 years, The Islamic Revolution has always enjoyed full support of the Iranian nation which was the key to the pepole\\\'s resistance against enemies\\\' conspiracies, the Ayatollah stressed.
The Supreme Leader added, \\\'The strong presence of people is the backbone of the resistance of the Iranian authorities\\\' against pressures exerted by enemies of the Islamic Revolution.
The Ayatollah added that currently, the Iranian revolution was recognized worldwide as a religious revolution \\\'since it could never survive the past crises if it lacked a religious nature.
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Description:
Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said Tuesday that enemies of Iran have failed to divide Iranian authorities.
Addressing a large crowd in this holy city, Ayatollah Khamenei said that riots of the last year\\\'s post presidential elections era have insured the Islamic Revolution as it added to the public insight.
\\\'The presence of 40 million of Iranians in the last year\\\'s presidential elections has angered enemies of the country and defused their conspiracies,\\\' the Supreme Leader told his well-wishers.
The Ayatollah arrived in Qom earlier on Tuesday amid warm and enthusiastic welcome of the local people.
Ayatollah Khamenei stressed that enemies have failed to undermine people\\\'s religious sentiments through negative propaganda.
\\\'Enemies are seeking an Islam without clerics and without politics as they know how clerics can play an effective role in people\\\'s daily lives and have significant effects on the society and public moves,\\\' said the Ayatollah.
The Supreme Leader stressed that Iranians would continue their move towards a brighter future by making more progress and defusing enemies\\\' conspiracies.
Enemies do not refer to strong points but they, instead, multiply weak points, if any, in order to disappoint the people, the young generation in particular, and try to portray a dark future for them in order to make them leave the scene\\\' of social and political life, Ayatollah Khamenei said.
The Supreme Leader arrived in this holy city Tuesday morning amid the warm and enthusiastic welcome of the local people.
Qom is considered as the religious capital of Iran.
During the past 32 years, The Islamic Revolution has always enjoyed full support of the Iranian nation which was the key to the pepole\\\'s resistance against enemies\\\' conspiracies, the Ayatollah stressed.
The Supreme Leader added, \\\'The strong presence of people is the backbone of the resistance of the Iranian authorities\\\' against pressures exerted by enemies of the Islamic Revolution.
The Ayatollah added that currently, the Iranian revolution was recognized worldwide as a religious revolution \\\'since it could never survive the past crises if it lacked a religious nature.
Vali Amr Muslimeen Ayatullah Ali Khamenei - HAJJ Message 2011 - [ENGLISH]
AYATULLAH KHAMENAEI’S MESSAGE
TO HAJJ PILGRIMS – 2011/1432A.H.
In the Name of Allah, the
All-Beneficent, the All-Merciful
All praise belongs to Allah, the Lord of the worlds, and may...
AYATULLAH KHAMENAEI’S MESSAGE
TO HAJJ PILGRIMS – 2011/1432A.H.
In the Name of Allah, the
All-Beneficent, the All-Merciful
All praise belongs to Allah, the Lord of the worlds, and may divine blessings and greetings be to the Master of the creatures, Muhammad al-Mustafa and his immaculate family and his elect companions.
The spiritual spring of Hajj has arrived with its freshness, purity and God-given grandeur and majesty, gathering again the faithful and eager hearts like butterflies encircling the Ka’bah of Divine Monotheism and Islamic Unity. Camped at Makkah and Mina, Arafat and Mash´ar are the fortunate human beings who, having responded to the call of (وَأَذِّن فِي النَّاسِ بِالْحَجِّ): (22:27) “proclaim the Hajj to all the people”, are being honored with the hospitality of the Clement and Munificent Lord. Here is the blessed House and the source of guidance from which the enlightening Divine signs radiated and the canopy of safety was set up to cast its universal shade.
Wash your hearts in the Zamzam of piety, humility and God’s remembrance. Open the inner eye to the lights of the Divine signs. Embrace the spirit of submission and dedication, which are the hallmarks of true servant-hood. Keep on refreshing in your hearts the memory of that patriarch who, in willing compliance, led his Ishmael (Ismâeil) to the scene of sacrifice, thus showing us the clear path of attaining the friendship of the Glorious Lord and the manner of traversing it with a resolve infused with faith and an intent imbued with sincerity.
The station of prophet Abraham (Ibrâhim) is one among these clarifying signs. The footprint by the side of Holy Ka’bah of prophet Ibrâhim, may Peace be upon him, is only a symbol of the station of Ibrâhim. The station of Ibrâhim is his station of dedication and self-sacrifice, his fortitude and resistance to personal desires and fatherly feelings as well as against the domination of unfaith, polytheism and Nimrod, the tyrant of the time.
Today these two paths of deliverance lie open before each of us, individuals belonging to the Muslim Ummah. Determination, courage and firmness of resolve on part of each one of us can advance us towards the same goals to which mankind have been invited by the Divine envoys from Adam to the Seal of the Prophets, with the promise of dignity and felicity, in this world and in the Hereafter, for those who take this path.
It will be worthy of the Hajj pilgrims’ attention at this great assembly of the Islamic Ummah to address the most important issues of the Islamic world. The uprisings and revolutions in some important Islamic countries are at the head of these issues. The events that have taken place in the Islamic world in the period between the previous and present Hajj pilgrimages can change the destiny of the Islamic Ummah, and they forebode a bright future accompanied with dignity and progress, material and spiritual. Dictators and ‘corrupt’ taghoots, allied with foreign powers, have been overthrown in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, and the stormy waves of popular uprising in some other countries threaten to bring down the castles of wealth and power.
This new chapter in the history of Our Ummah reveals certain facts which are all manifest Divine signs and give us vital lessons. These facts should be taken into account by Muslim nations in all their calculations.
First, a young generation has emerged from the hearts of these nations after decades of political subjugation to foreign powers, which with its admirable self-confidence, is ready to face threats, confront the dominant powers and is determined to change the status-quo.
Second, despite the authority and efforts of secular rulers and their overt and covert measures to curtail the influence of religion in these countries, Islam, with its conspicuous and impressive presence, has become the guiding principle of popular expression and sentiment. Like a fountainhead effusing through popular discourse and behavior it has given vitality and freshness to the rallies and activities of the millions. The mosques and minarets, Islamic slogans and calls of Allahu Akbar, all are clear indications of this fact and the recent Tunisian elections provide decisive evidence for this claim. There is no doubt that free elections in any Islamic country will hardly result in anything but what happened in Tunisia.
Moreover, as revealed for all by this year’s events, God Almighty has placed such a force in the resolve and determination of nations that no power whatsoever can withstand it. With this God-given power nations can change their destiny and partake of Divine help.
Furthermore, during the last decades arrogant powers, led by the United States, had reduced the regional states to a subjugate condition through their political and security tactics. They imagined to have opened an obstacle-free highway for their rising economic, cultural and political domination over this susceptible part of the world. But now they are the primary target of the disgust and hatred of the region’s nations. Undoubtedly, the regimes emerging from these revolutions will never submit to the disgraceful inequalities of the past, and the political geography of the region will be drawn by the nations in pursuance of their dignity and complete independence.
In addition, the crafty nature of the hypocritical Western powers has become all too apparent for the people of these countries. The U.S. and Europe made their utmost efforts to retain their pawns in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, each of them in a particular way. But when their wishes had to give in before the resolve of the nations, they cast a wily friendly smile at the triumphant public.
There are further precious facts and manifest Divine signs embedded in the regional events of the past year, which are not hard to discern for reflective minds.
Nevertheless, the entire Islamic Ummah and especially the revolutionary nations stand in need of two basic elements:
First, the continuity of their stand and avoidance of slackness in resolve. In the Qur’an, the Divine summons to the Greatest Messenger, may God bless him and his family, are addressed in these words:
فَاسْتَقِمْ كَمَا أُمِرْتَ وَمَن تَابَ مَعَكَ وَلاَ تَطْغَوْا
“Be steadfast, just as you have been commanded—[by Allah] and whoever has turned [to God] with you—and do not overstep the bounds (11:112)” and (فَلِذَلِكَ فَادْعُ وَاسْتَقِمْ كَمَا أُمِرْتَ). “Be steadfast, just as you have been commanded (42:15).” The Prophet Moses, may peace be upon him, is quoted as telling his people:
(وقَالَ مُوسَى لِقَوْمِهِ اسْتَعِينُوا بِاللّهِ وَاصْبِرُواْ إِنَّ الأَرْضَ لِلّهِ يُورِثُهَا مَن يَشَاء مِنْ عِبَادِهِ وَالْعَاقِبَةُ لِلْمُتَّقِينَ)
“Turn to God for help and be patient. The earth indeed belongs to God, and He gives its inheritance to whomever He wishes of His servants, and the outcome will be in favor of the pious people. ” (7:128)
At the present, the most significant aspect of piety for the risen nations is not to halt in their auspicious movement, and not to let themselves be diverted by the achievements of this phase. This is the important part of the piety whose possessors are rewarded with the “favorable outcome.”
Second, careful awareness with regard to the plots and gimmicks of the arrogant international powers who have suffered a setback from these uprisings and revolutions. They evidently will not sit idle. They will reenter the arena with all their political, financial and security outfits to reestablish their influence and control in these countries. Their outfits are carrot and stick and deceit. Experience has shown there are some among the elite who are susceptible to these gimmicks. Fear, greed or negligence prompt them to serve the enemy. The vigilant eyes of the youth, intellectuals and religious scholars should be closely watchful.
The greatest threat posed by the Camp of Unfaith and arrogant powers lies in its intervention and influence over the structures of the new political systems in these countries. They will do their utmost to see that the new systems do not take on an Islamic and republic identity. All the concerned people in these countries and all those who cherish their homeland’s honor, dignity and progress should work to ensure the complete and perfect Islamic and republic character of the emergent polity. In this regard, the role of the constitutions will be significant. National unity and official recognition of sectarian, tribal and ethnic differences are a precondition of future success.
The valiant revolutionary nations of Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, as well as other awakened and combatant nations, should know that the sole means of deliverance from the oppression and guile of the United States and other Western hubristic powers is to establish a global balance of power conducive to their interests. The Muslims should bring themselves on a par with the great world powers in order to be able to reach a serious solution of their problems with the World-devourers. This cannot be achieved except with the cooperation, understanding and solidarity of Islamic countries. This was an unforgettable advice of the great Imam Khomeini.
For months on, the United States and NATO dropped bombs on the heads of the Libyan people making Gaddafi, a vicious dictator, an excuse. Gaddafi was someone who was considered their close friend before the valiant uprising of the Libyan people. They used to coddle him, steal the wealth of Libya through his hands and press or kiss his hand in order to dupe him. Following the people’s uprising, they made him an excuse to destroy the entire infrastructure of Libya. Which state could stop the tragic massacre of the Libyan people and destruction of the country at the hands of NATO? Until the claws and fangs of the bloodthirsty and barbaric Western powers are not broken, such dangers will remain conceivable for Islamic countries. Their safety from such dangers is not possible except by forming the Islamic world as a powerful pole.
Today the West, United States and Zionism are weaker than ever before. Economic troubles, successive failures in Afghanistan and Iraq, deep-running public outrage in America and other Western countries with its daily widening scope, the struggles and sacrifices of the people of Palestine and Lebanon, the daring popular uprisings in Yemen, Bahrain and some other countries under American influence—all these are significant portents for the Islamic Ummah, especially for the emergent revolutionary nations. Faithful men and women throughout the Islamic world, particularly in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya should make the most of this opportunity for the formation of an international Islamic power block. The vanguard and the elite of the uprisings should place their trust in Almighty God and, with reliance on His promise of help, adorn the new chapter in the history of the Islamic Ummah with their lasting achievements, thus earning God’s approval and fulfilling the prerequisites of His help
May Peace be upon God’s righteous servants!
Sayyid Ali Husaini Khamenaei
29 Dhul Qa´dah, 1432
05 Âbân, 1390
27 October, 2011
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AYATULLAH KHAMENAEI’S MESSAGE
TO HAJJ PILGRIMS – 2011/1432A.H.
In the Name of Allah, the
All-Beneficent, the All-Merciful
All praise belongs to Allah, the Lord of the worlds, and may divine blessings and greetings be to the Master of the creatures, Muhammad al-Mustafa and his immaculate family and his elect companions.
The spiritual spring of Hajj has arrived with its freshness, purity and God-given grandeur and majesty, gathering again the faithful and eager hearts like butterflies encircling the Ka’bah of Divine Monotheism and Islamic Unity. Camped at Makkah and Mina, Arafat and Mash´ar are the fortunate human beings who, having responded to the call of (وَأَذِّن فِي النَّاسِ بِالْحَجِّ): (22:27) “proclaim the Hajj to all the people”, are being honored with the hospitality of the Clement and Munificent Lord. Here is the blessed House and the source of guidance from which the enlightening Divine signs radiated and the canopy of safety was set up to cast its universal shade.
Wash your hearts in the Zamzam of piety, humility and God’s remembrance. Open the inner eye to the lights of the Divine signs. Embrace the spirit of submission and dedication, which are the hallmarks of true servant-hood. Keep on refreshing in your hearts the memory of that patriarch who, in willing compliance, led his Ishmael (Ismâeil) to the scene of sacrifice, thus showing us the clear path of attaining the friendship of the Glorious Lord and the manner of traversing it with a resolve infused with faith and an intent imbued with sincerity.
The station of prophet Abraham (Ibrâhim) is one among these clarifying signs. The footprint by the side of Holy Ka’bah of prophet Ibrâhim, may Peace be upon him, is only a symbol of the station of Ibrâhim. The station of Ibrâhim is his station of dedication and self-sacrifice, his fortitude and resistance to personal desires and fatherly feelings as well as against the domination of unfaith, polytheism and Nimrod, the tyrant of the time.
Today these two paths of deliverance lie open before each of us, individuals belonging to the Muslim Ummah. Determination, courage and firmness of resolve on part of each one of us can advance us towards the same goals to which mankind have been invited by the Divine envoys from Adam to the Seal of the Prophets, with the promise of dignity and felicity, in this world and in the Hereafter, for those who take this path.
It will be worthy of the Hajj pilgrims’ attention at this great assembly of the Islamic Ummah to address the most important issues of the Islamic world. The uprisings and revolutions in some important Islamic countries are at the head of these issues. The events that have taken place in the Islamic world in the period between the previous and present Hajj pilgrimages can change the destiny of the Islamic Ummah, and they forebode a bright future accompanied with dignity and progress, material and spiritual. Dictators and ‘corrupt’ taghoots, allied with foreign powers, have been overthrown in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, and the stormy waves of popular uprising in some other countries threaten to bring down the castles of wealth and power.
This new chapter in the history of Our Ummah reveals certain facts which are all manifest Divine signs and give us vital lessons. These facts should be taken into account by Muslim nations in all their calculations.
First, a young generation has emerged from the hearts of these nations after decades of political subjugation to foreign powers, which with its admirable self-confidence, is ready to face threats, confront the dominant powers and is determined to change the status-quo.
Second, despite the authority and efforts of secular rulers and their overt and covert measures to curtail the influence of religion in these countries, Islam, with its conspicuous and impressive presence, has become the guiding principle of popular expression and sentiment. Like a fountainhead effusing through popular discourse and behavior it has given vitality and freshness to the rallies and activities of the millions. The mosques and minarets, Islamic slogans and calls of Allahu Akbar, all are clear indications of this fact and the recent Tunisian elections provide decisive evidence for this claim. There is no doubt that free elections in any Islamic country will hardly result in anything but what happened in Tunisia.
Moreover, as revealed for all by this year’s events, God Almighty has placed such a force in the resolve and determination of nations that no power whatsoever can withstand it. With this God-given power nations can change their destiny and partake of Divine help.
Furthermore, during the last decades arrogant powers, led by the United States, had reduced the regional states to a subjugate condition through their political and security tactics. They imagined to have opened an obstacle-free highway for their rising economic, cultural and political domination over this susceptible part of the world. But now they are the primary target of the disgust and hatred of the region’s nations. Undoubtedly, the regimes emerging from these revolutions will never submit to the disgraceful inequalities of the past, and the political geography of the region will be drawn by the nations in pursuance of their dignity and complete independence.
In addition, the crafty nature of the hypocritical Western powers has become all too apparent for the people of these countries. The U.S. and Europe made their utmost efforts to retain their pawns in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, each of them in a particular way. But when their wishes had to give in before the resolve of the nations, they cast a wily friendly smile at the triumphant public.
There are further precious facts and manifest Divine signs embedded in the regional events of the past year, which are not hard to discern for reflective minds.
Nevertheless, the entire Islamic Ummah and especially the revolutionary nations stand in need of two basic elements:
First, the continuity of their stand and avoidance of slackness in resolve. In the Qur’an, the Divine summons to the Greatest Messenger, may God bless him and his family, are addressed in these words:
فَاسْتَقِمْ كَمَا أُمِرْتَ وَمَن تَابَ مَعَكَ وَلاَ تَطْغَوْا
“Be steadfast, just as you have been commanded—[by Allah] and whoever has turned [to God] with you—and do not overstep the bounds (11:112)” and (فَلِذَلِكَ فَادْعُ وَاسْتَقِمْ كَمَا أُمِرْتَ). “Be steadfast, just as you have been commanded (42:15).” The Prophet Moses, may peace be upon him, is quoted as telling his people:
(وقَالَ مُوسَى لِقَوْمِهِ اسْتَعِينُوا بِاللّهِ وَاصْبِرُواْ إِنَّ الأَرْضَ لِلّهِ يُورِثُهَا مَن يَشَاء مِنْ عِبَادِهِ وَالْعَاقِبَةُ لِلْمُتَّقِينَ)
“Turn to God for help and be patient. The earth indeed belongs to God, and He gives its inheritance to whomever He wishes of His servants, and the outcome will be in favor of the pious people. ” (7:128)
At the present, the most significant aspect of piety for the risen nations is not to halt in their auspicious movement, and not to let themselves be diverted by the achievements of this phase. This is the important part of the piety whose possessors are rewarded with the “favorable outcome.”
Second, careful awareness with regard to the plots and gimmicks of the arrogant international powers who have suffered a setback from these uprisings and revolutions. They evidently will not sit idle. They will reenter the arena with all their political, financial and security outfits to reestablish their influence and control in these countries. Their outfits are carrot and stick and deceit. Experience has shown there are some among the elite who are susceptible to these gimmicks. Fear, greed or negligence prompt them to serve the enemy. The vigilant eyes of the youth, intellectuals and religious scholars should be closely watchful.
The greatest threat posed by the Camp of Unfaith and arrogant powers lies in its intervention and influence over the structures of the new political systems in these countries. They will do their utmost to see that the new systems do not take on an Islamic and republic identity. All the concerned people in these countries and all those who cherish their homeland’s honor, dignity and progress should work to ensure the complete and perfect Islamic and republic character of the emergent polity. In this regard, the role of the constitutions will be significant. National unity and official recognition of sectarian, tribal and ethnic differences are a precondition of future success.
The valiant revolutionary nations of Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, as well as other awakened and combatant nations, should know that the sole means of deliverance from the oppression and guile of the United States and other Western hubristic powers is to establish a global balance of power conducive to their interests. The Muslims should bring themselves on a par with the great world powers in order to be able to reach a serious solution of their problems with the World-devourers. This cannot be achieved except with the cooperation, understanding and solidarity of Islamic countries. This was an unforgettable advice of the great Imam Khomeini.
For months on, the United States and NATO dropped bombs on the heads of the Libyan people making Gaddafi, a vicious dictator, an excuse. Gaddafi was someone who was considered their close friend before the valiant uprising of the Libyan people. They used to coddle him, steal the wealth of Libya through his hands and press or kiss his hand in order to dupe him. Following the people’s uprising, they made him an excuse to destroy the entire infrastructure of Libya. Which state could stop the tragic massacre of the Libyan people and destruction of the country at the hands of NATO? Until the claws and fangs of the bloodthirsty and barbaric Western powers are not broken, such dangers will remain conceivable for Islamic countries. Their safety from such dangers is not possible except by forming the Islamic world as a powerful pole.
Today the West, United States and Zionism are weaker than ever before. Economic troubles, successive failures in Afghanistan and Iraq, deep-running public outrage in America and other Western countries with its daily widening scope, the struggles and sacrifices of the people of Palestine and Lebanon, the daring popular uprisings in Yemen, Bahrain and some other countries under American influence—all these are significant portents for the Islamic Ummah, especially for the emergent revolutionary nations. Faithful men and women throughout the Islamic world, particularly in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya should make the most of this opportunity for the formation of an international Islamic power block. The vanguard and the elite of the uprisings should place their trust in Almighty God and, with reliance on His promise of help, adorn the new chapter in the history of the Islamic Ummah with their lasting achievements, thus earning God’s approval and fulfilling the prerequisites of His help
May Peace be upon God’s righteous servants!
Sayyid Ali Husaini Khamenaei
29 Dhul Qa´dah, 1432
05 Âbân, 1390
27 October, 2011
24:29
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[27 April 2012] Egypt first post - revolution presidential election - Middle East Today - Presstv - English
[27 April 2012] Egypt's first post - revolution presidential election - Middle East Today - Presstv - English
The Egyptians are only weeks away from electing their new president in the very first...
[27 April 2012] Egypt's first post - revolution presidential election - Middle East Today - Presstv - English
The Egyptians are only weeks away from electing their new president in the very first election after last year's revolution which led to the fall of the dictator Hosni Mubarak. Despite the fact that many look to the elections as way to enhance true democracy in the state, there is also fear that the military council is working the elections. In this edition of the show we discuss the upcoming Egyptian presidential election with our expert guests.
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Description:
[27 April 2012] Egypt's first post - revolution presidential election - Middle East Today - Presstv - English
The Egyptians are only weeks away from electing their new president in the very first election after last year's revolution which led to the fall of the dictator Hosni Mubarak. Despite the fact that many look to the elections as way to enhance true democracy in the state, there is also fear that the military council is working the elections. In this edition of the show we discuss the upcoming Egyptian presidential election with our expert guests.
2:59
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95:58
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[19th May 2013]Political Analysis - Latest Developments in Pakistan and Middle East - Ustad Syed Jawad Naqvi - Urdu
Date : 19 May 2013
Subject : Asr Shanasi
Event : Political Analysis - Global
Category : Lectures
Location : Lahore
Description : Discussion on the aftermath of Pakistan Elections, the...
Date : 19 May 2013
Subject : Asr Shanasi
Event : Political Analysis - Global
Category : Lectures
Location : Lahore
Description : Discussion on the aftermath of Pakistan Elections, the upcoming Presidential Elections in Iran and the plots hatched by the Enemies and briefly discussing the situation in Syria
More...
Description:
Date : 19 May 2013
Subject : Asr Shanasi
Event : Political Analysis - Global
Category : Lectures
Location : Lahore
Description : Discussion on the aftermath of Pakistan Elections, the upcoming Presidential Elections in Iran and the plots hatched by the Enemies and briefly discussing the situation in Syria
33:34
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on current situation - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar Asad Interview - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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[14 June 13] Voter turnout sends strong message to US: William Beeman - English
Professor William Beeman from the University of Minnesota says that the participation of Iranians in the elections has a strong message for Washington, who doubts the legitimacy of the Iranian...
Professor William Beeman from the University of Minnesota says that the participation of Iranians in the elections has a strong message for Washington, who doubts the legitimacy of the Iranian elections.
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Professor William Beeman from the University of Minnesota says that the participation of Iranians in the elections has a strong message for Washington, who doubts the legitimacy of the Iranian elections.
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[17 June 13] Iraqi Patriotic Union of Kurdistan lodges complain on voter numbers - English
The upcoming elections in Iraq\'s Kurdistan Region have encouraged some MPs to take legal action over what they call inflated voter numbers. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan is one of the region\'s...
The upcoming elections in Iraq\'s Kurdistan Region have encouraged some MPs to take legal action over what they call inflated voter numbers. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan is one of the region\'s two ruling parties.
The Patriotic Union claims that voter numbers in certain areas have increased by over ninety thousand in just a few months. Party members are worried that this could give way to forgery in September\'s elections.
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The upcoming elections in Iraq\'s Kurdistan Region have encouraged some MPs to take legal action over what they call inflated voter numbers. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan is one of the region\'s two ruling parties.
The Patriotic Union claims that voter numbers in certain areas have increased by over ninety thousand in just a few months. Party members are worried that this could give way to forgery in September\'s elections.
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[05 July 13] Egypt army overthrows Morsi - English
Egypt\'s army chief has ousted President Mohamed Morsi and dissolved the country\'s constitution in a move aimed at resolving the country\'s debilitating political crisis. General Abdel Fattah...
Egypt\'s army chief has ousted President Mohamed Morsi and dissolved the country\'s constitution in a move aimed at resolving the country\'s debilitating political crisis. General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi made the announcement on state television on Wednesday.
Sisi also said that new parliamentary elections will be held, and declared head of Supreme Constitutional Court Adli Mansour as the caretaker leader. The army announced the roadmap hours after its two-day ultimatum to Morsi came to an end.
Sisi said that the army was fulfilling its \"historic responsibility\" to protect the country, and Morsi had \"failed to meet the demands of the Egyptian people.\"
Meanwhile, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei said the roadmap announced by Sisi \"meets the people\'s demands for early presidential elections.\"
Egypt\'s second largest Islamist group, the al-Nour Party, also said it agreed to the army roadmap in order to put an end to the country\'s political crisis.
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Egypt\'s army chief has ousted President Mohamed Morsi and dissolved the country\'s constitution in a move aimed at resolving the country\'s debilitating political crisis. General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi made the announcement on state television on Wednesday.
Sisi also said that new parliamentary elections will be held, and declared head of Supreme Constitutional Court Adli Mansour as the caretaker leader. The army announced the roadmap hours after its two-day ultimatum to Morsi came to an end.
Sisi said that the army was fulfilling its \"historic responsibility\" to protect the country, and Morsi had \"failed to meet the demands of the Egyptian people.\"
Meanwhile, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei said the roadmap announced by Sisi \"meets the people\'s demands for early presidential elections.\"
Egypt\'s second largest Islamist group, the al-Nour Party, also said it agreed to the army roadmap in order to put an end to the country\'s political crisis.
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[27 Oct 2013] Several killed as Bangladesh police open fire on opposition supporters - English
In Bangladesh, clashes between police and protesters during a nationwide strike have led to the death of at least five people. Police say they opened fire on opposition supporters in the western...
In Bangladesh, clashes between police and protesters during a nationwide strike have led to the death of at least five people. Police say they opened fire on opposition supporters in the western town of Nagarkanda after they attacked police forces with bricks. The opposition has launched a three-day strike, asking the government to step down before the upcoming general elections. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party-- B-N-P, led by Khaleda Zia says the ruling party should step aside ahead of the January polls. The opposition wants the elections to be held under a neutral caretaker government, to prevent vote rigging. Earlier attempts to cancel the strike failed. On Friday, clashes broke out between supporters of the opposition and the ruling party across the country, leaving several people dead and hundreds injured.
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In Bangladesh, clashes between police and protesters during a nationwide strike have led to the death of at least five people. Police say they opened fire on opposition supporters in the western town of Nagarkanda after they attacked police forces with bricks. The opposition has launched a three-day strike, asking the government to step down before the upcoming general elections. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party-- B-N-P, led by Khaleda Zia says the ruling party should step aside ahead of the January polls. The opposition wants the elections to be held under a neutral caretaker government, to prevent vote rigging. Earlier attempts to cancel the strike failed. On Friday, clashes broke out between supporters of the opposition and the ruling party across the country, leaving several people dead and hundreds injured.
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[15 Dec 2013] Delhi govt formation seems impossible amid differences - English
The government formation in India\\\'s New Delhi State seems impossible for the time being, as differences remain.
The Bharatiya Janata Party, the BJP and the Congress have NOT agreed to 18...
The government formation in India\\\'s New Delhi State seems impossible for the time being, as differences remain.
The Bharatiya Janata Party, the BJP and the Congress have NOT agreed to 18 conditions set by the Aam Aadmi Party --- also known as the Common Man\\\'s party --- which led Delhi assembly elections last week. The BJP and the Congress Party came second and third in the elections. The Aam Aadmi Party is demanding unconditional support by the two other parties. Its leader Arvind Kejriwal says that the BJP and the Congress Party must back his election manifesto, which includes a campaign against corruption. The BJP has rejected that it offered support to the Aam Aadmi Party. The Congress Party has also criticized the Aam Aadmi Party\\\'s leader for setting conditions. If no political solution is found in the coming days analysts say Delhi could soon be heading for President\\\'s rule with a Lt Governor taking all decisions till the state goes in for a fresh poll again in the coming months.
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Description:
The government formation in India\\\'s New Delhi State seems impossible for the time being, as differences remain.
The Bharatiya Janata Party, the BJP and the Congress have NOT agreed to 18 conditions set by the Aam Aadmi Party --- also known as the Common Man\\\'s party --- which led Delhi assembly elections last week. The BJP and the Congress Party came second and third in the elections. The Aam Aadmi Party is demanding unconditional support by the two other parties. Its leader Arvind Kejriwal says that the BJP and the Congress Party must back his election manifesto, which includes a campaign against corruption. The BJP has rejected that it offered support to the Aam Aadmi Party. The Congress Party has also criticized the Aam Aadmi Party\\\'s leader for setting conditions. If no political solution is found in the coming days analysts say Delhi could soon be heading for President\\\'s rule with a Lt Governor taking all decisions till the state goes in for a fresh poll again in the coming months.
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[30 Dec 2013] Deadly clashes erupt in Bangladesh as police prevent opposition rally - English
Fresh political violence in Bangladesh. Supporters and opponents of the government have clashed in the capital Dhaka.
No casualties have been reported yet. The violence erupted on Sunday after...
Fresh political violence in Bangladesh. Supporters and opponents of the government have clashed in the capital Dhaka.
No casualties have been reported yet. The violence erupted on Sunday after police barred opposition leader Khaleda Zia from leaving her home to lead an anti-government rally. She was supposed to address the rally aimed at pressuring the government to scrap the January 5 elections and hand over power to a caretaker government to oversee the vote. At least one opposition activist was killed in clashes with security forces yesterday. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has pledged to go ahead with the elections despite the opposition boycott, to avoid a constitutional crisis.
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Description:
Fresh political violence in Bangladesh. Supporters and opponents of the government have clashed in the capital Dhaka.
No casualties have been reported yet. The violence erupted on Sunday after police barred opposition leader Khaleda Zia from leaving her home to lead an anti-government rally. She was supposed to address the rally aimed at pressuring the government to scrap the January 5 elections and hand over power to a caretaker government to oversee the vote. At least one opposition activist was killed in clashes with security forces yesterday. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has pledged to go ahead with the elections despite the opposition boycott, to avoid a constitutional crisis.
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[28 Feb 2014] The Debate - Yanukovych talks to press in Russia (P.1) - English
Ukraine\'s ousted president Victor Yanukovych has spoken, from Russia: Among the key points he made in his reaction to the events in his country: he said he still saw himself as the Ukrainian...
Ukraine\'s ousted president Victor Yanukovych has spoken, from Russia: Among the key points he made in his reaction to the events in his country: he said he still saw himself as the Ukrainian president and as such believed that Crimea must remain part of Ukraine, even though he would not run for the May presidential elections, blasting the West for allegedly betraying a Feb. 21 agreement between the government and the opposition. Meanwhile in Crimea, where the Russian navy fleet is located: it was voted that concurrent to the May presidential elections in Ukraine, Crimea would hold a referendum on its future status, whether it will remain part of Ukraine or will join Russia.
What would NATO\'s reaction be, who has warned it considered Ukraine\'s future to be \"key to Euro-Atlantic security\" and assured the new government in Kiev that the alliance would back its \"sovereignty.\"
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Description:
Ukraine\'s ousted president Victor Yanukovych has spoken, from Russia: Among the key points he made in his reaction to the events in his country: he said he still saw himself as the Ukrainian president and as such believed that Crimea must remain part of Ukraine, even though he would not run for the May presidential elections, blasting the West for allegedly betraying a Feb. 21 agreement between the government and the opposition. Meanwhile in Crimea, where the Russian navy fleet is located: it was voted that concurrent to the May presidential elections in Ukraine, Crimea would hold a referendum on its future status, whether it will remain part of Ukraine or will join Russia.
What would NATO\'s reaction be, who has warned it considered Ukraine\'s future to be \"key to Euro-Atlantic security\" and assured the new government in Kiev that the alliance would back its \"sovereignty.\"
9:51
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[28 Feb 2014] The Debate - Yanukovych talks to press in Russia (P.2) - English
Ukraine\'s ousted president Victor Yanukovych has spoken, from Russia: Among the key points he made in his reaction to the events in his country: he said he still saw himself as the Ukrainian...
Ukraine\'s ousted president Victor Yanukovych has spoken, from Russia: Among the key points he made in his reaction to the events in his country: he said he still saw himself as the Ukrainian president and as such believed that Crimea must remain part of Ukraine, even though he would not run for the May presidential elections, blasting the West for allegedly betraying a Feb. 21 agreement between the government and the opposition. Meanwhile in Crimea, where the Russian navy fleet is located: it was voted that concurrent to the May presidential elections in Ukraine, Crimea would hold a referendum on its future status, whether it will remain part of Ukraine or will join Russia.
What would NATO\'s reaction be, who has warned it considered Ukraine\'s future to be \"key to Euro-Atlantic security\" and assured the new government in Kiev that the alliance would back its \"sovereignty.\"
More...
Description:
Ukraine\'s ousted president Victor Yanukovych has spoken, from Russia: Among the key points he made in his reaction to the events in his country: he said he still saw himself as the Ukrainian president and as such believed that Crimea must remain part of Ukraine, even though he would not run for the May presidential elections, blasting the West for allegedly betraying a Feb. 21 agreement between the government and the opposition. Meanwhile in Crimea, where the Russian navy fleet is located: it was voted that concurrent to the May presidential elections in Ukraine, Crimea would hold a referendum on its future status, whether it will remain part of Ukraine or will join Russia.
What would NATO\'s reaction be, who has warned it considered Ukraine\'s future to be \"key to Euro-Atlantic security\" and assured the new government in Kiev that the alliance would back its \"sovereignty.\"
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Should Muslims be protesting against the French Cartoons? | IP TalkShow | English
Muslims globally have been outraged by the insults against the Holy Prophet (S) - but should we be protesting? Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Shaykh Ali Qomi and Sayyid Shahryar discuss whether it...
Muslims globally have been outraged by the insults against the Holy Prophet (S) - but should we be protesting? Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Shaykh Ali Qomi and Sayyid Shahryar discuss whether it is appropriate to be protesting, what the Leader’s opinion is on this matter and how it is imperative that the Muslims remain UNITED for the cause of Islam and the Messenger of Allah (S). This is the second of a two-part discussion, the focus of which is Imam Khamenei’s speech on the auspicious occasion of the birth Anniversary of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (S). The full speech is entitled: \\\"U.S. elections don’t affect Iran\\\'s policy toward the U.S.\\\" and can be found at khamenei.ir.
#IPTalkShow #ImamKhamenei #TheLeader #CharlieHebdo #FreedomOfSpeech #Censorship #Paris #France #Holocaust #Nazis #Zionists #Pakistan #Islamophobic #ImranKhan #JeSuisCharlie #RasmusPaludan #BritishShiaism #Shia #Sunni #IPTalkShow #Islamic Pulse #ImamKhamenei #Khamenei #Trump #Biden #election #vote #politics #trump #news #usa #elections #democrat #biden #congress #donaldtrump #democrats #america #joebiden #covid #republican
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Description:
Muslims globally have been outraged by the insults against the Holy Prophet (S) - but should we be protesting? Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Shaykh Ali Qomi and Sayyid Shahryar discuss whether it is appropriate to be protesting, what the Leader’s opinion is on this matter and how it is imperative that the Muslims remain UNITED for the cause of Islam and the Messenger of Allah (S). This is the second of a two-part discussion, the focus of which is Imam Khamenei’s speech on the auspicious occasion of the birth Anniversary of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (S). The full speech is entitled: \\\"U.S. elections don’t affect Iran\\\'s policy toward the U.S.\\\" and can be found at khamenei.ir.
#IPTalkShow #ImamKhamenei #TheLeader #CharlieHebdo #FreedomOfSpeech #Censorship #Paris #France #Holocaust #Nazis #Zionists #Pakistan #Islamophobic #ImranKhan #JeSuisCharlie #RasmusPaludan #BritishShiaism #Shia #Sunni #IPTalkShow #Islamic Pulse #ImamKhamenei #Khamenei #Trump #Biden #election #vote #politics #trump #news #usa #elections #democrat #biden #congress #donaldtrump #democrats #america #joebiden #covid #republican
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2:37
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