Anger over Pakistani support-English
Pakistan has agreed to support the king against the protestors
ONE Middle Eastern intervention makes the headlines every day. The other barely rates a mention. The first is ostensibly aimed at...
Pakistan has agreed to support the king against the protestors
ONE Middle Eastern intervention makes the headlines every day. The other barely rates a mention. The first is ostensibly aimed at protecting civilians and at facilitating change, the second at safeguarding the status quo.
Libya’s Muammar Qadhafi has been told he must go. Bahrain’s ruling Al Khalifa family, on the other hand, must stay. Some Arabs, one could be forgiven for assuming, are worthier of democracy and civil rights than others.
Yet the degree of hypocrisy may not be as great as it seems. After all, while the future of Tunisia and Egypt remains unwritten, there can be little reason to doubt that the US and its allies would prefer to preserve the basic structures of the Ben Ali and Mubarak regimes, albeit with new figureheads and, if possible, less visible signs of oppression and the odd concession to pluralism.
From their point of view, the ideal outcome in Bahrain would be similar: a few nods in the direction of cosmetic reform to placate the restive segments of society, but not much more than that — and certainly nothing that could jeopardise Bahrain’s crucial strategic relationship with the US, especially its status as a home for the Fifth Fleet. The trouble, of course, is the impossibility of rearrangements that could be passed off as regime change.
At best the prime minister, in situ for four decades, could be replaced. But he is the king’s uncle, and even if he could be persuaded, without occasioning a family split, to step aside, his successor would inevitably be another Al Khalifa.
That US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton felt obliged earlier this month to mildly berate the regime in Manama for its transgressions against mostly peaceful protesters was obviously in large part a consequence of not wishing the contrast with western actions in Libya to seem too stark. It is highly unlikely that the decision by Saudi Arabia and the UAE to send in troops was taken without Washington’s imprimatur, given that both are effectively American satrapies in geo-strategic terms.
The foreign troops, which are officially supposed to guard strategic installations, rather than assist in ‘crowd control’, were evidently despatched under a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) agreement dating back to Saddam Hussein’s neighbour-threatening rhetoric in 1990, which preceded the invasion of Kuwait. (His stance was thoroughly embarrassing at the time for oil-rich states that had during the previous decade supported Iraq in its war against Iran.)
That was, however, a joint defence pact among the Gulf potentates, to the effect that the violation of any GCC state’s sovereignty would be construed as aggression against all. Internal unrest did not figure in their calculations. Bahrain does not face any external threat, although there can be little doubt its emissaries have, in private discussions, conjured up the bogey of a threat from Iran.
Tehran’s domestic and foreign policies are often indefensible, but cables from Bahrain-based US diplomats over recent years, released by WikiLeaks, suggest it hasn’t lately been going out of its way to interfere in Bahrain. The Gulf state’s majority Shia population resents the almost exclusively Sunni regime because of irrefutable instances of discrimination rather than because of imprecations from Iran.
Given that at least 70 per cent of Bahrainis are Shias, it is hardly surprising that the majority of those who are economically disadvantaged fall in the same category. But their exclusion from privilege is not just a matter of demographics.
For instance, in order to keep out Bahraini Shias from the security forces, the government regularly recruits troops from abroad — notably from Yemen and Pakistan. And whereas the value of public representation can be judged by the fact that a royally nominated senate can overrule the elected lower house, even so the constitutional arrangements sanctioning the latter preclude the possibility of a Shia majority.
It inevitably follows that the monarchy’s supporters are mostly Sunni and its opponents mostly Shia, and even though the protests launched last month weren’t, on the face of it, sectarian in nature, casting them in that light tends to become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Bahrain does not differ from its Gulf neighbours only in a demographic sense: it’s also relatively less well endowed with natural resources, and therefore poorer in per capita terms. And it has been rocked by popular unrest more frequently.
Referring to an uprising in the mid-1950s, Prof Fred Halliday noted in Arabia Without Sultans: “The British realised that Bahrain had a more advanced and therefore dangerous political character than any other Gulf country. Because the oil revenue and level of production was so much lower than in Kuwait, they had been unable to turn the indigenous population into a parasitic class with an enslaved migrant proletariat underneath. Their response was intensified repression, and a tightening of control by the Al Khalifa family.”
Notwithstanding the differences, however, Bahrain’s neighbours realise that if the Al Khalifas are toppled the Al Sauds, Al Nahyans and Al Jabers could follow. The marriage of tribal feudalism and modern capitalism cannot forever endure, but efforts will no doubt be made to preserve it for as long as petroleum remains crucial to meeting western energy needs.
In terms of totalitarian tactics, the Al Sauds in particular are more than a match for Qadhafi and his sons. But don’t expect any push for democracy in Saudi Arabia. Pressure for often intangible and invariably more or less meaningless reforms is at far as it will go.
Bahrain falls in the same basket, essentially. Were the situation to become too fraught, the US would probably begin disentangling itself from its intricate defence links with the troubled kingdom. In the interests of advancing potentially democratic interests, it would make much more sense to do so right away. But don’t hold your breath.
The Yemeni regime, meanwhile, will also continue, for as long as it is feasible, to enjoy the benefit of the doubt. Syria, on the other hand, is a much more likely candidate for the Libyan treatment.
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Pakistan has agreed to support the king against the protestors
ONE Middle Eastern intervention makes the headlines every day. The other barely rates a mention. The first is ostensibly aimed at protecting civilians and at facilitating change, the second at safeguarding the status quo.
Libya’s Muammar Qadhafi has been told he must go. Bahrain’s ruling Al Khalifa family, on the other hand, must stay. Some Arabs, one could be forgiven for assuming, are worthier of democracy and civil rights than others.
Yet the degree of hypocrisy may not be as great as it seems. After all, while the future of Tunisia and Egypt remains unwritten, there can be little reason to doubt that the US and its allies would prefer to preserve the basic structures of the Ben Ali and Mubarak regimes, albeit with new figureheads and, if possible, less visible signs of oppression and the odd concession to pluralism.
From their point of view, the ideal outcome in Bahrain would be similar: a few nods in the direction of cosmetic reform to placate the restive segments of society, but not much more than that — and certainly nothing that could jeopardise Bahrain’s crucial strategic relationship with the US, especially its status as a home for the Fifth Fleet. The trouble, of course, is the impossibility of rearrangements that could be passed off as regime change.
At best the prime minister, in situ for four decades, could be replaced. But he is the king’s uncle, and even if he could be persuaded, without occasioning a family split, to step aside, his successor would inevitably be another Al Khalifa.
That US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton felt obliged earlier this month to mildly berate the regime in Manama for its transgressions against mostly peaceful protesters was obviously in large part a consequence of not wishing the contrast with western actions in Libya to seem too stark. It is highly unlikely that the decision by Saudi Arabia and the UAE to send in troops was taken without Washington’s imprimatur, given that both are effectively American satrapies in geo-strategic terms.
The foreign troops, which are officially supposed to guard strategic installations, rather than assist in ‘crowd control’, were evidently despatched under a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) agreement dating back to Saddam Hussein’s neighbour-threatening rhetoric in 1990, which preceded the invasion of Kuwait. (His stance was thoroughly embarrassing at the time for oil-rich states that had during the previous decade supported Iraq in its war against Iran.)
That was, however, a joint defence pact among the Gulf potentates, to the effect that the violation of any GCC state’s sovereignty would be construed as aggression against all. Internal unrest did not figure in their calculations. Bahrain does not face any external threat, although there can be little doubt its emissaries have, in private discussions, conjured up the bogey of a threat from Iran.
Tehran’s domestic and foreign policies are often indefensible, but cables from Bahrain-based US diplomats over recent years, released by WikiLeaks, suggest it hasn’t lately been going out of its way to interfere in Bahrain. The Gulf state’s majority Shia population resents the almost exclusively Sunni regime because of irrefutable instances of discrimination rather than because of imprecations from Iran.
Given that at least 70 per cent of Bahrainis are Shias, it is hardly surprising that the majority of those who are economically disadvantaged fall in the same category. But their exclusion from privilege is not just a matter of demographics.
For instance, in order to keep out Bahraini Shias from the security forces, the government regularly recruits troops from abroad — notably from Yemen and Pakistan. And whereas the value of public representation can be judged by the fact that a royally nominated senate can overrule the elected lower house, even so the constitutional arrangements sanctioning the latter preclude the possibility of a Shia majority.
It inevitably follows that the monarchy’s supporters are mostly Sunni and its opponents mostly Shia, and even though the protests launched last month weren’t, on the face of it, sectarian in nature, casting them in that light tends to become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Bahrain does not differ from its Gulf neighbours only in a demographic sense: it’s also relatively less well endowed with natural resources, and therefore poorer in per capita terms. And it has been rocked by popular unrest more frequently.
Referring to an uprising in the mid-1950s, Prof Fred Halliday noted in Arabia Without Sultans: “The British realised that Bahrain had a more advanced and therefore dangerous political character than any other Gulf country. Because the oil revenue and level of production was so much lower than in Kuwait, they had been unable to turn the indigenous population into a parasitic class with an enslaved migrant proletariat underneath. Their response was intensified repression, and a tightening of control by the Al Khalifa family.”
Notwithstanding the differences, however, Bahrain’s neighbours realise that if the Al Khalifas are toppled the Al Sauds, Al Nahyans and Al Jabers could follow. The marriage of tribal feudalism and modern capitalism cannot forever endure, but efforts will no doubt be made to preserve it for as long as petroleum remains crucial to meeting western energy needs.
In terms of totalitarian tactics, the Al Sauds in particular are more than a match for Qadhafi and his sons. But don’t expect any push for democracy in Saudi Arabia. Pressure for often intangible and invariably more or less meaningless reforms is at far as it will go.
Bahrain falls in the same basket, essentially. Were the situation to become too fraught, the US would probably begin disentangling itself from its intricate defence links with the troubled kingdom. In the interests of advancing potentially democratic interests, it would make much more sense to do so right away. But don’t hold your breath.
The Yemeni regime, meanwhile, will also continue, for as long as it is feasible, to enjoy the benefit of the doubt. Syria, on the other hand, is a much more likely candidate for the Libyan treatment.
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[01 Dec 2013] Fears of Ben Ali figures return to power as new front formed - English
Destourian Front. It\'s the name of a new political front in Tunisia, which was formed earlier this year mainly by politicians of ousted ruler Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Many government officials,...
Destourian Front. It\'s the name of a new political front in Tunisia, which was formed earlier this year mainly by politicians of ousted ruler Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Many government officials, businessmen and lawyers have joined the new coalition. It\'s now seeking to take part in next year\'s elections, with some members being confident that it will win the vote.
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Destourian Front. It\'s the name of a new political front in Tunisia, which was formed earlier this year mainly by politicians of ousted ruler Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Many government officials, businessmen and lawyers have joined the new coalition. It\'s now seeking to take part in next year\'s elections, with some members being confident that it will win the vote.
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[01 July 13] Britain preplan to attack Syria - English
In this edition of the show: Roland Dumas says Britain had been planning a war against Syria some two years before to the unrest broke out in the Arab country; The similarities between Britain\'s...
In this edition of the show: Roland Dumas says Britain had been planning a war against Syria some two years before to the unrest broke out in the Arab country; The similarities between Britain\'s Iraq invasion and planning to invade Syria.
Monarchy: As part of her \'Birthday Honours List,\' the British Queen will recognize Professor David Newman of Ben-Gurion University for advocating academic partnership between countries and opposing the UK academic boycott of Israel!! A clear contradictory move against majority of British academics attitude.
Monarchy 2: While the British main stream media hype about queen\'s 60 coronation anniversary honours list has reached its peak a secret list of 300 top people who have snubbed the honours system by refusing knighthoods and other awards has been released.
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In this edition of the show: Roland Dumas says Britain had been planning a war against Syria some two years before to the unrest broke out in the Arab country; The similarities between Britain\'s Iraq invasion and planning to invade Syria.
Monarchy: As part of her \'Birthday Honours List,\' the British Queen will recognize Professor David Newman of Ben-Gurion University for advocating academic partnership between countries and opposing the UK academic boycott of Israel!! A clear contradictory move against majority of British academics attitude.
Monarchy 2: While the British main stream media hype about queen\'s 60 coronation anniversary honours list has reached its peak a secret list of 300 top people who have snubbed the honours system by refusing knighthoods and other awards has been released.
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[08 Feb 2014] Rapprochement between Tunisia & Iran - English
An Iranian delegation, headed by the country\'s parliament speaker has just paid a visit to Tunisia. The visit is the first by Iranian officials since the revolution that ousted former dictator...
An Iranian delegation, headed by the country\'s parliament speaker has just paid a visit to Tunisia. The visit is the first by Iranian officials since the revolution that ousted former dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali three years ago. Larijani took part in a ceremony to officially adopt Tunisia\'s new constitution.
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An Iranian delegation, headed by the country\'s parliament speaker has just paid a visit to Tunisia. The visit is the first by Iranian officials since the revolution that ousted former dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali three years ago. Larijani took part in a ceremony to officially adopt Tunisia\'s new constitution.
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[12 Dec 2013] Former Bank of israel chief to take No. 2 job at US Federal Reserve - English
The former head of the Bank of Israel is about to become the Vice-Chairman of America\'s Federal Reserve. Stanley Fischer, who led the Bank of Israel for eight years, has been asked to take over...
The former head of the Bank of Israel is about to become the Vice-Chairman of America\'s Federal Reserve. Stanley Fischer, who led the Bank of Israel for eight years, has been asked to take over Janet Yellen\'s position at the US Fed. Yellen is set to take the top job from current boss Ben Bernanke whose term ends in January. Fischer, who was born in Zambia, holds both Israeli and American citizenships. The announcement comes after the Bank of Canada\'s chief Mark Carney earlier this year became the first foreigner to lead the Bank of England.
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The former head of the Bank of Israel is about to become the Vice-Chairman of America\'s Federal Reserve. Stanley Fischer, who led the Bank of Israel for eight years, has been asked to take over Janet Yellen\'s position at the US Fed. Yellen is set to take the top job from current boss Ben Bernanke whose term ends in January. Fischer, who was born in Zambia, holds both Israeli and American citizenships. The announcement comes after the Bank of Canada\'s chief Mark Carney earlier this year became the first foreigner to lead the Bank of England.
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[13 July 2012] Yemeni protesters call for ouster of corrupted remnants - English
[13 July 2012] Yemeni protesters call for ouster of corrupted remnants - English
Yemeni protesters took to the main streets of the capital Sanaa demanding the ouster of corrupted government...
[13 July 2012] Yemeni protesters call for ouster of corrupted remnants - English
Yemeni protesters took to the main streets of the capital Sanaa demanding the ouster of corrupted government officials who are still in power after months of anti-regime demonstrations. They called for an end to the deeply rooted government corruption.The protesters also called on President Mansour Hadi to take decisive measures to strip Saleh-era and corrupt officials of their positions in the new government. The Friday protest came a day after the UN Envoy to Yemen Jamal Ben Omar held a press conference in the capital Sana'a in which he discussed the mechanism of the power transition which will take place in the near future
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[13 July 2012] Yemeni protesters call for ouster of corrupted remnants - English
Yemeni protesters took to the main streets of the capital Sanaa demanding the ouster of corrupted government officials who are still in power after months of anti-regime demonstrations. They called for an end to the deeply rooted government corruption.The protesters also called on President Mansour Hadi to take decisive measures to strip Saleh-era and corrupt officials of their positions in the new government. The Friday protest came a day after the UN Envoy to Yemen Jamal Ben Omar held a press conference in the capital Sana'a in which he discussed the mechanism of the power transition which will take place in the near future
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[14 July 13] Tunis demonstration denounce military coup in Egypt - English
calling for the respect of the legitimacy of the Tunisian government. They also denounced the military coup in Egypt, which they described as a Western conspiracy. The demonstrators slammed the...
calling for the respect of the legitimacy of the Tunisian government. They also denounced the military coup in Egypt, which they described as a Western conspiracy. The demonstrators slammed the financial aid by Saudi Arabia and the UAE to the Egyptian Military commanders amid a strong outrage by millions of supporters of the country\'s ousted president Morsi. The Tunisians warned against similar interference in their country. The protesters waved the Egyptian flag and addressed messages to the agents of former Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali who fled to Saudi Arabia following a popular uprising in 2011.
Adnen Chauachi, Press TV, Tunis
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calling for the respect of the legitimacy of the Tunisian government. They also denounced the military coup in Egypt, which they described as a Western conspiracy. The demonstrators slammed the financial aid by Saudi Arabia and the UAE to the Egyptian Military commanders amid a strong outrage by millions of supporters of the country\'s ousted president Morsi. The Tunisians warned against similar interference in their country. The protesters waved the Egyptian flag and addressed messages to the agents of former Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali who fled to Saudi Arabia following a popular uprising in 2011.
Adnen Chauachi, Press TV, Tunis
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[25 Oct 2013] US is not looking to ease sanctions on Iran - English
The US says it is not looking to ease sanctions on Iran at the front-end of nuclear negotiations.
The White House aide, Ben Rhode says Tehran should take concrete steps before any decision to...
The US says it is not looking to ease sanctions on Iran at the front-end of nuclear negotiations.
The White House aide, Ben Rhode says Tehran should take concrete steps before any decision to think about sanctions relief. He made the comments during a meeting of Senate committee leaders. However, he noted that one of the many ways to provide sanctions relief is to release Iran\'s frozen funds. The comments come as many innocent people including Iranian patients who are in need of medicine are the victims of illegal sanctions against the country.
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The US says it is not looking to ease sanctions on Iran at the front-end of nuclear negotiations.
The White House aide, Ben Rhode says Tehran should take concrete steps before any decision to think about sanctions relief. He made the comments during a meeting of Senate committee leaders. However, he noted that one of the many ways to provide sanctions relief is to release Iran\'s frozen funds. The comments come as many innocent people including Iranian patients who are in need of medicine are the victims of illegal sanctions against the country.
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[26 Dec 2013] Families of Tunisia martyrs seek Ben Ali extradition - English
Families of the Martyrs of the Tunisian revolution have come from across the country to demonstrate in front of the Military court of Tunis. Parents and lawyers have condemned the liberation of the...
Families of the Martyrs of the Tunisian revolution have come from across the country to demonstrate in front of the Military court of Tunis. Parents and lawyers have condemned the liberation of the officers who had shot hundreds of young men and women three years ago.
Angry Protesters and human rights activists have called for the extradition of the former dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali who escaped to Saudi Arabia in January 2011.
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Families of the Martyrs of the Tunisian revolution have come from across the country to demonstrate in front of the Military court of Tunis. Parents and lawyers have condemned the liberation of the officers who had shot hundreds of young men and women three years ago.
Angry Protesters and human rights activists have called for the extradition of the former dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali who escaped to Saudi Arabia in January 2011.
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