34:55
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دیدار معلمان و فر ھنگیان سراسر کشور - Ayatollah Khamenei - 07th May 2014 - Farsi
Ayatollah Khamenei describes three main elements of the noble vocation of teaching 07th May 2014
Translation of speeech
souce: english.khamenei.ir
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the...
Ayatollah Khamenei describes three main elements of the noble vocation of teaching 07th May 2014
Translation of speeech
souce: english.khamenei.ir
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful
I would like to welcome you dear teachers and managers of the educational system, who imbued our working environment and our life with your warm and friendly presence.
First of all, it is the month of Rajab which is an opportunity to serve God. Our entire life can be an opportunity for serving God in a proper way and true happiness lies in this. Some occasions increase our opportunities and the month of Rajab is one of these opportunities. We should prepare ourselves in this month. We should pray for one another so that Allah the Exalted helps us prepare ourselves in this month and in the month of Sha\\\\\\\'ban and Ramadan and so that He helps us take one step forward and achieve transcendence.
Reviving the memory of a number of martyrs is one of the opportunities of this meeting and this day as well. Primarily, I would like to revive the memory of our dear martyr, Shahid Ayatollah Motahhari, who was our great thinker, our teacher and a mujahid on the path of Islamic thought and belief. With his martyrdom, he achieved the blessing to obtain the approval of Allah the Exalted for his long jihad. Good for him!
I would also like to revive the memory of Shahid Rajai and Shahid Bahonar who spent their lives in the educational system. They were two mujahid, pious and sincere individuals who were at the service of the educational system. We witnessed up close the efforts of these two dear personalities in these areas for many years and for a short time after the Revolution.
Our annual meeting with teachers has a major goal and several minor goals. The major goal is expressing respect for teachers. With this meeting, we want to show our respect to the position of teachers. This symbolic move is necessary. Respecting teachers and teaching should become a widespread practice in our society. Everyone should feel proud of being a teacher. Everyone should be proud of greeting and respecting teachers. The higher the position of teachers is, the higher the position of education will be in our society.
Adopting a narrow-minded outlook towards teachers is a loss for society. This should be prevented. The outlook towards teachers should be a respectful one. There are many different professions in the country which are seemingly very prestigious, but the position of all of these professions is much lower than the position and the profession of teaching. All of us should know and understand this.
The Holy Prophet (s.w.a.) is quoted as saying, \\\\\\\"I was sent as a teacher\\\\\\\" [Usul al-Kafi, Volume 2, page 95]. The fact that the Holy Prophet (s.w.a.) considered himself to be a teacher is the greatest honor. Of course, teaching exists at different levels, but the truth of teaching is only one thing. This is a source of honor. This is our issue. With this meeting, we want to show that we hold teachers in great respect and that we are indebted to them because of what they did for ourselves and because of what they do for our children and for those whose future is important to us. This feeling is shared by all the people. All of us are indebted to teachers. This is our main issue.
There are some minor issues as well. One issue is addressed to teachers themselves. Another issue is addressed to the managers and officials of the large educational system. What is related to teachers is that the dear teachers should know their job is not only teaching. In other words, their job is not only to teach the textbooks that are available to them. Teachers should promote knowledge, teach the way to think and strengthen morality in themselves. If we consider teaching to have a broad meaning, it will include these three tasks:
The first task is promoting knowledge and teaching the textbooks that our children - the future men and women of the country - should learn. This is one task.
The second task, which is more important, is teaching how to think. Our children should learn how to think in a proper and reasonable way. They should be properly guided about how to think. Shallow outlooks and shallow learning of the issues of life cripple a society. In the long run, it destroys a people. Thinking should be firmly established in society.
This is why when we mention someone like Shahid Motahhari, we do not only speak about his knowledge. We speak about his thinking as well. If someone knows how to think, this spirit will help them to discover the important issues of knowledge. If our youth, our scholars and our scientists are thinkers, they will use the knowledge that they have to pose tens and hundreds of new questions and to get answers for these questions. So, using knowledge is only possible with thinking.
The third task is behavioral and moral education and what the honorable minister referred to in his statements: lifestyle and behavior. We are a people with lofty ideals, with great slogans and with clear and definite peaks that we want to reach - if there is time, I will briefly address this issue later on. This requires patient, wise, religious, innovative, kind, compassionate, courageous, polite and pious individuals who are ready to take action, who avoid laziness and who consider others\\\\\\\' pains to be their own pains.
The mold and make-up of a person that Islam wants to build is shaped through education. All people can be educated. Some people may learn late and some may learn sooner than others. Some learn more efficiently and some learn less efficiently than others. But all individuals are subject to change and this change takes place with education. Primarily, this falls on the shoulders of certain main elements one of which is a teacher. Of course, parents, friends and other such people are influential as well, but the influence that a teacher exerts is deeper and more permanent. This is a task that teachers should carry out.
Therefore, teachers teach how to acquire knowledge, how to think and how to be moral. Learning morality is not like acquiring knowledge. That is to say, one cannot be moral by reading books. Morality cannot be taught with books. Behavior is more influential than books and words. You teach with your behavior in your classrooms and among your students. Of course, you teach with words as well. You should provide verbal advice, but behavior has a deeper and more comprehensive influence. It is one\\\\\\\'s behavior which makes it clear whether one\\\\\\\'s words are sincere or not. This is what we wanted to say to teachers.
The society of teachers has been entrusted with the responsibility of taking care of children. We should pay attention to this issue. If, by Allah\\\\\\\'s favor, our teachers decide to build children and teenagers with this method - that is to say, by paying attention to these three elements - then I believe that this will exert great influence on the future of society.
Of course, after the Revolution, certain good measures were adopted in this regard. The society of teachers exerted great influence with their commitment and by showing their presence in the revolutionary environment - whether during the Sacred Defense Era or afterwards. I sometimes read the books which are about teachers. A teacher who took part in the front lines of the Sacred Defense and who was martyred exerted great influence on the minds of his students. One can see this.
One issue about the educational system and its management is the issue of the transformation plan. The transformation plan - which has thankfully been prepared and established - was not something that was created all of a sudden. This plan was one of our desires from the beginning of the Revolution. Because the educational system in our country was created by imitating western educational systems with the same form, content and order, there was a need for a fundamental change in the educational system of the country, whether in terms of form or in terms of content.
Well, many people shared this thought for many years. Then, it was developed gradually and it led to the transformation plan. I am not saying that this transformation plan is the peak of our desires. This is not the case. For everything, there is a higher form. It is possible that by Allah\\\\\\\'s favor, you take action, move forward and gain experience in a way that you can add something to what is available to you today.
However, this transformation plan is what is available to us in the present time and therefore, it should be taken seriously. My advice to the honorable officials and managers of the educational system is that we should take the transformation plan seriously. And this seriousness should be beyond formal statements. It should be shown in practice.
Well, as the friends in this meeting quoted what I had said before, if we want this transformation plan to be implemented, we need a roadmap and a plan. If our thoughts and the general ideas that officials and sympathetic personalities have in mind do not take the form of a practical plan, then it will remain a mere idea and it will decay. Therefore, it requires a practical plan.
You should prepare and implement this practical plan in collaboration with the Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution - which is a great cultural center and a reference point for making decisions and in which officials are present. You should feel that this step has been taken. Then, you should go to the next step. Of course, some tasks should be carried out simultaneously and in line with one another.
An issue for the management of the educational system is the issue of manpower. As was pointed out in this meeting, the educational system is the greatest decision-making organization in the Islamic Republic. More than one million officials exist in this great system. These officials are directly involved with more than 12 million people and they are indirectly involved with tens of millions of people - that is to say, families. Such a great network is very important.
The forces that should be employed in this great network should have certain characteristics. One of these characteristics is that they should be motivated and enthusiastic. You should not give priority to tired, old and unimaginative forces - those who tried whatever they knew and who do not have new methods anymore. The priority should be given to young, enthusiastic, motivated, pious and revolutionary forces and to those for whom the main goal is what the main issue of the educational system is - which is building individuals.
You should benefit from these forces. This is one issue. Therefore, in my opinion, the first issue about the macro-management of the educational system is that they should see what forces they are using. They should benefit from religious, revolutionary, enthusiastic and zealous forces who love their job and who are ready to enter difficult arenas for the sake of the goals of the educational system. This is the most important task.
The second issue is the issue of support. All governmental organizations are responsible for supporting the educational system, whether the organizations which are in charge of the budget or the organizations which are formed on the basis of the laws that the Majlis passes. The outlook of all these organizations should be such an outlook. They should not think that the educational system is only a consumer. Sometimes, there is such an outlook. Some people say that the educational system is only a consumer. But this is not the case. The more you spend money on it, the more results you will achieve. The educational system is such a system.
This is an organization which creates the future generators of wealth, knowledge and civilization and the future managers of the country. It is not the case that we think the educational system is a costly organization. There is no achievement which is greater than the one the educational system makes. Whatever achievement and innovation you see throughout the country is rooted in the educational system. You should improve this organization so that everything will be improved. Therefore, spending money on the educational system and expanding the financial resources of this organization is one of the tasks that we hope government officials pay attention to.
Another issue is that - as I mentioned in the middle of my speech - the managers that we choose should be managers whose focus is on the main issue of the educational system. Adopting partisan, political and other such outlooks is poison for the educational system. Over the course of these long years, we have witnessed certain eras during which there was more attention to such issues. As a result of this, the educational system suffered a loss. You should be careful about this. You should adopt such an outlook towards the different issues of the educational system that for each manager in each sector of this large and vast organization, the main issue is the issue of education and building revolutionary forces.
Dear brothers and sisters, the reason why we stress the issue of building revolutionary and religious forces is that we have a long way ahead of us. Our people have a long way ahead of them. The goal that we have in mind for the Islamic Republic - which is based on the general guidelines of the Revolution - is a very lofty goal. When I say \\\\\\\"we\\\\\\\", I do not mean this humble person. Rather, I mean the people of Iran, officials and the owners of the Revolution. This goal is creating an exemplary society. You want to build a society in dear Iran - which has been located in a very sensitive geographical area in the world - which is a model in the shade of Islam and under the flag of the Holy Quran. This model is both in material areas and in spiritual and moral areas.
Westerners made a leap in material areas. They made a leap in a certain era, but this leap was separated from and opposed to the moral movement. It was a hundred percent materialistic leap. In the beginning, no one understood what had happened, but now they are beginning to understand. They are gradually feeling the irreversible damage of what they did. No one should think that a purely materialistic and secular civilization can help its people achieve happiness. This is not the case. The people in this civilization will face a great disaster.
In the present time, they are witnessing this disaster. This disaster is not because of the demonstrations which are held in European streets. For the west, this disaster is much deeper than this. Primarily, what humanity needs is psychological, moral and conscience-based security. Primarily, what it needs is the satisfaction of its conscience. Such satisfaction does not exist in western environments and it will get even worse.
If you are familiar with western writers, critics and thinkers, you will see that it is several years now that they have been raising their voices. These people are showing some aspects of increasing corruption in their societies. A materialistic lifestyle is like this. Although they have moved forward in the area of science, technological achievements and the like and although they have accomplished great feats in this regard, they have collapsed in the area of morality and they will continue to collapse because of this.
The society that Islam wants to build is a society that is at an advanced level in terms of wealth, knowledge and welfare. But it also wants this society to be at this level or even at a higher level in terms of morality and spirituality. This is an Islamic society. You want to build this society. So, you have a long way ahead of you. But it is possible. No one should say that it is not. Many things were considered to be impossible, but they happened.
When a people show determination, they can accomplish great and historical feats. Our societies have shown that they can be great, that they can blossom and that they can grow and exert influence. Man is an endless and infinite creature. Knowledge has made so much progress, but the main parts of man\\\\\\\'s brain are still unknown. This is what the scientists who work on this say. This physical aspect of man is unknown, let alone his spiritual, psychological and inner aspect. Man has many capabilities. We can carry out many tasks. An individual can simultaneously achieve great material and spiritual growth.
Well, we want to reach these goals. Reaching these goals requires manpower more than anything else. What is more important than the path is the person who takes this path. If there is not such a person, then even a well-paved road is useless. But if there is a determined person, then lack of a well-paved road will not be problematic. You have seen that mountaineers climb so high while there is no road. But they have feet and determination. So, it is possible to move forward and to reach peaks. It is possible to know and utilize unknown talents. It is possible to solve problems in a constant way.
All of these things require human resources. These human resources should be created in the educational system. Universities are important in this regard. The same is true of society and the IRIB. But none of these is as important as primary school. The teachers and managers of this great organization have such a responsibility. Therefore, we stress that they should be religious and revolutionary.
It is with this religious and revolutionary spirit that we can take this path. Even if there is a hard obstacle ahead of us, we can move forward. Even if there are certain hurdles, we can jump over them provided that this revolutionary spirit, this piety and this commitment to religious and revolutionary steadfastness exist. This is one point.
Another issue is the issue of textbooks. We should be very careful about textbooks. They should be well-developed. If they are poor in content, this is harmful. Not only is it not beneficial, but it is also harmful. If they contain deviant statements - whether political, religious or factual deviation - this is harmful. Those who are responsible for this should carry out their responsibility with complete trustworthiness and precision.
Another issue is the issue of the teachers\\\\\\\' training university. On my way to this meeting, I spoke with the honorable minister about this issue. This university is different from ordinary universities. As well as the advantages that other universities have, this university has the advantage of producing teachers. This has certain requirements. Great significance should be attached to this university.
Another issue is the issue of moral education and the deputy of moral education. This issue was neglected. This deputy was closed at one point. Later on, they opened and closed it again and again. The deputy of moral education is an organization in charge of attending to the issue of moral education - spiritual, revolutionary, behavioral and moral aspects of education. This deputy is important both at a ministerial level and at lower levels.
I hope that Allah the Exalted bestows His blessings and mercy on all of you. I hope that, God willing, the immaculate soul of our dear Imam (r.a.) - who opened this path for us - is pleased with you. I hope that the pure souls of our dear martyrs - particularly those martyrs who were teachers and students - benefit from divine blessings.
Greetings be upon you and Allah\\\\\\\'s mercy and blessings
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Description:
Ayatollah Khamenei describes three main elements of the noble vocation of teaching 07th May 2014
Translation of speeech
souce: english.khamenei.ir
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful
I would like to welcome you dear teachers and managers of the educational system, who imbued our working environment and our life with your warm and friendly presence.
First of all, it is the month of Rajab which is an opportunity to serve God. Our entire life can be an opportunity for serving God in a proper way and true happiness lies in this. Some occasions increase our opportunities and the month of Rajab is one of these opportunities. We should prepare ourselves in this month. We should pray for one another so that Allah the Exalted helps us prepare ourselves in this month and in the month of Sha\\\\\\\'ban and Ramadan and so that He helps us take one step forward and achieve transcendence.
Reviving the memory of a number of martyrs is one of the opportunities of this meeting and this day as well. Primarily, I would like to revive the memory of our dear martyr, Shahid Ayatollah Motahhari, who was our great thinker, our teacher and a mujahid on the path of Islamic thought and belief. With his martyrdom, he achieved the blessing to obtain the approval of Allah the Exalted for his long jihad. Good for him!
I would also like to revive the memory of Shahid Rajai and Shahid Bahonar who spent their lives in the educational system. They were two mujahid, pious and sincere individuals who were at the service of the educational system. We witnessed up close the efforts of these two dear personalities in these areas for many years and for a short time after the Revolution.
Our annual meeting with teachers has a major goal and several minor goals. The major goal is expressing respect for teachers. With this meeting, we want to show our respect to the position of teachers. This symbolic move is necessary. Respecting teachers and teaching should become a widespread practice in our society. Everyone should feel proud of being a teacher. Everyone should be proud of greeting and respecting teachers. The higher the position of teachers is, the higher the position of education will be in our society.
Adopting a narrow-minded outlook towards teachers is a loss for society. This should be prevented. The outlook towards teachers should be a respectful one. There are many different professions in the country which are seemingly very prestigious, but the position of all of these professions is much lower than the position and the profession of teaching. All of us should know and understand this.
The Holy Prophet (s.w.a.) is quoted as saying, \\\\\\\"I was sent as a teacher\\\\\\\" [Usul al-Kafi, Volume 2, page 95]. The fact that the Holy Prophet (s.w.a.) considered himself to be a teacher is the greatest honor. Of course, teaching exists at different levels, but the truth of teaching is only one thing. This is a source of honor. This is our issue. With this meeting, we want to show that we hold teachers in great respect and that we are indebted to them because of what they did for ourselves and because of what they do for our children and for those whose future is important to us. This feeling is shared by all the people. All of us are indebted to teachers. This is our main issue.
There are some minor issues as well. One issue is addressed to teachers themselves. Another issue is addressed to the managers and officials of the large educational system. What is related to teachers is that the dear teachers should know their job is not only teaching. In other words, their job is not only to teach the textbooks that are available to them. Teachers should promote knowledge, teach the way to think and strengthen morality in themselves. If we consider teaching to have a broad meaning, it will include these three tasks:
The first task is promoting knowledge and teaching the textbooks that our children - the future men and women of the country - should learn. This is one task.
The second task, which is more important, is teaching how to think. Our children should learn how to think in a proper and reasonable way. They should be properly guided about how to think. Shallow outlooks and shallow learning of the issues of life cripple a society. In the long run, it destroys a people. Thinking should be firmly established in society.
This is why when we mention someone like Shahid Motahhari, we do not only speak about his knowledge. We speak about his thinking as well. If someone knows how to think, this spirit will help them to discover the important issues of knowledge. If our youth, our scholars and our scientists are thinkers, they will use the knowledge that they have to pose tens and hundreds of new questions and to get answers for these questions. So, using knowledge is only possible with thinking.
The third task is behavioral and moral education and what the honorable minister referred to in his statements: lifestyle and behavior. We are a people with lofty ideals, with great slogans and with clear and definite peaks that we want to reach - if there is time, I will briefly address this issue later on. This requires patient, wise, religious, innovative, kind, compassionate, courageous, polite and pious individuals who are ready to take action, who avoid laziness and who consider others\\\\\\\' pains to be their own pains.
The mold and make-up of a person that Islam wants to build is shaped through education. All people can be educated. Some people may learn late and some may learn sooner than others. Some learn more efficiently and some learn less efficiently than others. But all individuals are subject to change and this change takes place with education. Primarily, this falls on the shoulders of certain main elements one of which is a teacher. Of course, parents, friends and other such people are influential as well, but the influence that a teacher exerts is deeper and more permanent. This is a task that teachers should carry out.
Therefore, teachers teach how to acquire knowledge, how to think and how to be moral. Learning morality is not like acquiring knowledge. That is to say, one cannot be moral by reading books. Morality cannot be taught with books. Behavior is more influential than books and words. You teach with your behavior in your classrooms and among your students. Of course, you teach with words as well. You should provide verbal advice, but behavior has a deeper and more comprehensive influence. It is one\\\\\\\'s behavior which makes it clear whether one\\\\\\\'s words are sincere or not. This is what we wanted to say to teachers.
The society of teachers has been entrusted with the responsibility of taking care of children. We should pay attention to this issue. If, by Allah\\\\\\\'s favor, our teachers decide to build children and teenagers with this method - that is to say, by paying attention to these three elements - then I believe that this will exert great influence on the future of society.
Of course, after the Revolution, certain good measures were adopted in this regard. The society of teachers exerted great influence with their commitment and by showing their presence in the revolutionary environment - whether during the Sacred Defense Era or afterwards. I sometimes read the books which are about teachers. A teacher who took part in the front lines of the Sacred Defense and who was martyred exerted great influence on the minds of his students. One can see this.
One issue about the educational system and its management is the issue of the transformation plan. The transformation plan - which has thankfully been prepared and established - was not something that was created all of a sudden. This plan was one of our desires from the beginning of the Revolution. Because the educational system in our country was created by imitating western educational systems with the same form, content and order, there was a need for a fundamental change in the educational system of the country, whether in terms of form or in terms of content.
Well, many people shared this thought for many years. Then, it was developed gradually and it led to the transformation plan. I am not saying that this transformation plan is the peak of our desires. This is not the case. For everything, there is a higher form. It is possible that by Allah\\\\\\\'s favor, you take action, move forward and gain experience in a way that you can add something to what is available to you today.
However, this transformation plan is what is available to us in the present time and therefore, it should be taken seriously. My advice to the honorable officials and managers of the educational system is that we should take the transformation plan seriously. And this seriousness should be beyond formal statements. It should be shown in practice.
Well, as the friends in this meeting quoted what I had said before, if we want this transformation plan to be implemented, we need a roadmap and a plan. If our thoughts and the general ideas that officials and sympathetic personalities have in mind do not take the form of a practical plan, then it will remain a mere idea and it will decay. Therefore, it requires a practical plan.
You should prepare and implement this practical plan in collaboration with the Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution - which is a great cultural center and a reference point for making decisions and in which officials are present. You should feel that this step has been taken. Then, you should go to the next step. Of course, some tasks should be carried out simultaneously and in line with one another.
An issue for the management of the educational system is the issue of manpower. As was pointed out in this meeting, the educational system is the greatest decision-making organization in the Islamic Republic. More than one million officials exist in this great system. These officials are directly involved with more than 12 million people and they are indirectly involved with tens of millions of people - that is to say, families. Such a great network is very important.
The forces that should be employed in this great network should have certain characteristics. One of these characteristics is that they should be motivated and enthusiastic. You should not give priority to tired, old and unimaginative forces - those who tried whatever they knew and who do not have new methods anymore. The priority should be given to young, enthusiastic, motivated, pious and revolutionary forces and to those for whom the main goal is what the main issue of the educational system is - which is building individuals.
You should benefit from these forces. This is one issue. Therefore, in my opinion, the first issue about the macro-management of the educational system is that they should see what forces they are using. They should benefit from religious, revolutionary, enthusiastic and zealous forces who love their job and who are ready to enter difficult arenas for the sake of the goals of the educational system. This is the most important task.
The second issue is the issue of support. All governmental organizations are responsible for supporting the educational system, whether the organizations which are in charge of the budget or the organizations which are formed on the basis of the laws that the Majlis passes. The outlook of all these organizations should be such an outlook. They should not think that the educational system is only a consumer. Sometimes, there is such an outlook. Some people say that the educational system is only a consumer. But this is not the case. The more you spend money on it, the more results you will achieve. The educational system is such a system.
This is an organization which creates the future generators of wealth, knowledge and civilization and the future managers of the country. It is not the case that we think the educational system is a costly organization. There is no achievement which is greater than the one the educational system makes. Whatever achievement and innovation you see throughout the country is rooted in the educational system. You should improve this organization so that everything will be improved. Therefore, spending money on the educational system and expanding the financial resources of this organization is one of the tasks that we hope government officials pay attention to.
Another issue is that - as I mentioned in the middle of my speech - the managers that we choose should be managers whose focus is on the main issue of the educational system. Adopting partisan, political and other such outlooks is poison for the educational system. Over the course of these long years, we have witnessed certain eras during which there was more attention to such issues. As a result of this, the educational system suffered a loss. You should be careful about this. You should adopt such an outlook towards the different issues of the educational system that for each manager in each sector of this large and vast organization, the main issue is the issue of education and building revolutionary forces.
Dear brothers and sisters, the reason why we stress the issue of building revolutionary and religious forces is that we have a long way ahead of us. Our people have a long way ahead of them. The goal that we have in mind for the Islamic Republic - which is based on the general guidelines of the Revolution - is a very lofty goal. When I say \\\\\\\"we\\\\\\\", I do not mean this humble person. Rather, I mean the people of Iran, officials and the owners of the Revolution. This goal is creating an exemplary society. You want to build a society in dear Iran - which has been located in a very sensitive geographical area in the world - which is a model in the shade of Islam and under the flag of the Holy Quran. This model is both in material areas and in spiritual and moral areas.
Westerners made a leap in material areas. They made a leap in a certain era, but this leap was separated from and opposed to the moral movement. It was a hundred percent materialistic leap. In the beginning, no one understood what had happened, but now they are beginning to understand. They are gradually feeling the irreversible damage of what they did. No one should think that a purely materialistic and secular civilization can help its people achieve happiness. This is not the case. The people in this civilization will face a great disaster.
In the present time, they are witnessing this disaster. This disaster is not because of the demonstrations which are held in European streets. For the west, this disaster is much deeper than this. Primarily, what humanity needs is psychological, moral and conscience-based security. Primarily, what it needs is the satisfaction of its conscience. Such satisfaction does not exist in western environments and it will get even worse.
If you are familiar with western writers, critics and thinkers, you will see that it is several years now that they have been raising their voices. These people are showing some aspects of increasing corruption in their societies. A materialistic lifestyle is like this. Although they have moved forward in the area of science, technological achievements and the like and although they have accomplished great feats in this regard, they have collapsed in the area of morality and they will continue to collapse because of this.
The society that Islam wants to build is a society that is at an advanced level in terms of wealth, knowledge and welfare. But it also wants this society to be at this level or even at a higher level in terms of morality and spirituality. This is an Islamic society. You want to build this society. So, you have a long way ahead of you. But it is possible. No one should say that it is not. Many things were considered to be impossible, but they happened.
When a people show determination, they can accomplish great and historical feats. Our societies have shown that they can be great, that they can blossom and that they can grow and exert influence. Man is an endless and infinite creature. Knowledge has made so much progress, but the main parts of man\\\\\\\'s brain are still unknown. This is what the scientists who work on this say. This physical aspect of man is unknown, let alone his spiritual, psychological and inner aspect. Man has many capabilities. We can carry out many tasks. An individual can simultaneously achieve great material and spiritual growth.
Well, we want to reach these goals. Reaching these goals requires manpower more than anything else. What is more important than the path is the person who takes this path. If there is not such a person, then even a well-paved road is useless. But if there is a determined person, then lack of a well-paved road will not be problematic. You have seen that mountaineers climb so high while there is no road. But they have feet and determination. So, it is possible to move forward and to reach peaks. It is possible to know and utilize unknown talents. It is possible to solve problems in a constant way.
All of these things require human resources. These human resources should be created in the educational system. Universities are important in this regard. The same is true of society and the IRIB. But none of these is as important as primary school. The teachers and managers of this great organization have such a responsibility. Therefore, we stress that they should be religious and revolutionary.
It is with this religious and revolutionary spirit that we can take this path. Even if there is a hard obstacle ahead of us, we can move forward. Even if there are certain hurdles, we can jump over them provided that this revolutionary spirit, this piety and this commitment to religious and revolutionary steadfastness exist. This is one point.
Another issue is the issue of textbooks. We should be very careful about textbooks. They should be well-developed. If they are poor in content, this is harmful. Not only is it not beneficial, but it is also harmful. If they contain deviant statements - whether political, religious or factual deviation - this is harmful. Those who are responsible for this should carry out their responsibility with complete trustworthiness and precision.
Another issue is the issue of the teachers\\\\\\\' training university. On my way to this meeting, I spoke with the honorable minister about this issue. This university is different from ordinary universities. As well as the advantages that other universities have, this university has the advantage of producing teachers. This has certain requirements. Great significance should be attached to this university.
Another issue is the issue of moral education and the deputy of moral education. This issue was neglected. This deputy was closed at one point. Later on, they opened and closed it again and again. The deputy of moral education is an organization in charge of attending to the issue of moral education - spiritual, revolutionary, behavioral and moral aspects of education. This deputy is important both at a ministerial level and at lower levels.
I hope that Allah the Exalted bestows His blessings and mercy on all of you. I hope that, God willing, the immaculate soul of our dear Imam (r.a.) - who opened this path for us - is pleased with you. I hope that the pure souls of our dear martyrs - particularly those martyrs who were teachers and students - benefit from divine blessings.
Greetings be upon you and Allah\\\\\\\'s mercy and blessings
1:48
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Express Yourselves at HAJJ | Leader of the Muslim Ummah | Farsi sub English
Hajj is the venue for the Muslim Ummah to express its hatred against the enemies of Islam. What is the main issue and who are the main enemies that we are facing today? The Leader speaks.
Hajj is the venue for the Muslim Ummah to express its hatred against the enemies of Islam. What is the main issue and who are the main enemies that we are facing today? The Leader speaks.
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[20 March 2017] Leader designates 1396 \\\'Year of Production & Employment\\\' - English
The leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has described as a major achievement for the nation, maintaining the country’s security amid regional and global...
The leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has described as a major achievement for the nation, maintaining the country’s security amid regional and global instability. Ayatollah Khamenei made the remarks in his annual message on the occasion of the Persian New Year, Nowruz. The Leader noted that Iran Is maintaining its security as the Middle East in general and Iran’s neighboring countries in particular, are plagued by insecurity. He praised the Iranian nation for responding to the US president’s affront to their country, with a massive turnout during the February 10 rallies marking the anniversary of the Islamic revolution. The Iran leader was referring to Donald Trump’s travel ban on several Muslim countries, including Iran. During the message, Ayatollah Khamenei named the Persian New Year as the year of “Resistance Economy: production, and job creation. He called for concerted efforts to implement the economy of resistance.
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Description:
The leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has described as a major achievement for the nation, maintaining the country’s security amid regional and global instability. Ayatollah Khamenei made the remarks in his annual message on the occasion of the Persian New Year, Nowruz. The Leader noted that Iran Is maintaining its security as the Middle East in general and Iran’s neighboring countries in particular, are plagued by insecurity. He praised the Iranian nation for responding to the US president’s affront to their country, with a massive turnout during the February 10 rallies marking the anniversary of the Islamic revolution. The Iran leader was referring to Donald Trump’s travel ban on several Muslim countries, including Iran. During the message, Ayatollah Khamenei named the Persian New Year as the year of “Resistance Economy: production, and job creation. He called for concerted efforts to implement the economy of resistance.
Watch Live: http://www.presstv.com/live.html
Twitter: http://twitter.com/PressTV
LiveLeak: http://www.liveleak.com/c/PressTV
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/PRESSTV
Google+: http://plus.google.com/+VideosPTV
Instagram: http://instagram.com/presstvchannel
Dailymotion: http://www.dailymotion.com/presstv
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Hizbullah - George Galloway of UK telling the truth about Israel 2006 - English
15th May 2008 Current News
Outspoken British parliamentarian George Galloway says allegations that Iran is stoking the violence in Lebanon are unfounded.
In an interview with Jordanian paper...
15th May 2008 Current News
Outspoken British parliamentarian George Galloway says allegations that Iran is stoking the violence in Lebanon are unfounded.
In an interview with Jordanian paper al-Ghad, Galloway rejected accusations that the recent unrest in Lebanon is 'the product of an Iranian conspiracy in a bid to dominate the region'.
"I consider spraying the sand in the public eye is aimed at misrepresenting the vision of reality that leaders of Arab countries support the US and imperialist forces," he said.
Galloway, a leading campaigner against the occupations of Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine, was expelled from the Labor Party in October 2003 when his strong anti-war statements brought the party into 'disrepute'.
The Respect Party parliamentarian went on to say that the Lebanese crisis has been conspired in a bid to weaken the country's resistance against Israel.
Lebanon was teetering on the brink of civil war after the US-backed ruling coalition decided to sack Beirut's Airport Security Chief and ban Hezbollah's telecommunications network.
http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=55755§ionid=351020203
More...
Description:
15th May 2008 Current News
Outspoken British parliamentarian George Galloway says allegations that Iran is stoking the violence in Lebanon are unfounded.
In an interview with Jordanian paper al-Ghad, Galloway rejected accusations that the recent unrest in Lebanon is 'the product of an Iranian conspiracy in a bid to dominate the region'.
"I consider spraying the sand in the public eye is aimed at misrepresenting the vision of reality that leaders of Arab countries support the US and imperialist forces," he said.
Galloway, a leading campaigner against the occupations of Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine, was expelled from the Labor Party in October 2003 when his strong anti-war statements brought the party into 'disrepute'.
The Respect Party parliamentarian went on to say that the Lebanese crisis has been conspired in a bid to weaken the country's resistance against Israel.
Lebanon was teetering on the brink of civil war after the US-backed ruling coalition decided to sack Beirut's Airport Security Chief and ban Hezbollah's telecommunications network.
http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=55755§ionid=351020203
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[CLIP] Our Pride - Urdu ھمارا افتخار
Hum Pakistanio Ka Fakhar Kia Hona Chahiyay k Jo Hamari Izzat or Sarbolandi ka Mojib Ban Sakay?
A beautiful Speech by Agha Sayed Jawad Nqavi (Hifzollah)
Paygham Production.
Hum Pakistanio Ka Fakhar Kia Hona Chahiyay k Jo Hamari Izzat or Sarbolandi ka Mojib Ban Sakay?
A beautiful Speech by Agha Sayed Jawad Nqavi (Hifzollah)
Paygham Production.
George Galloway Speech after returning to Canada at Trinity-St. Pauls United Church Toronto - 03Oct2010 - English
Full George Galloway Speech at Trinity-St. Paul's United Church Toronto Canada - Oct
03 2010 - As you may all know by now that the Federal Court ruling has condemned the
efforts of...
Full George Galloway Speech at Trinity-St. Paul's United Church Toronto Canada - Oct
03 2010 - As you may all know by now that the Federal Court ruling has condemned the
efforts of Conservative Immigration Minister Jason Kenney and his Communications
Director, Alykhan Velshi, to deny British MP George Galloway entry to Canada. In a
judgment released Monday (Sept. 27), Justice Richard Mosley found that Kenney’s and
Velshi’s efforts to keep Mr. Galloway out of the country were motivated by
disagreement with Mr. Galloway’s politics, rather than by national security
concerns. So now George Galloway returned to Canada to deliver in person the message
he was forced to deliver by Internet connection in March 2009.
More...
Description:
Full George Galloway Speech at Trinity-St. Paul's United Church Toronto Canada - Oct
03 2010 - As you may all know by now that the Federal Court ruling has condemned the
efforts of Conservative Immigration Minister Jason Kenney and his Communications
Director, Alykhan Velshi, to deny British MP George Galloway entry to Canada. In a
judgment released Monday (Sept. 27), Justice Richard Mosley found that Kenney’s and
Velshi’s efforts to keep Mr. Galloway out of the country were motivated by
disagreement with Mr. Galloway’s politics, rather than by national security
concerns. So now George Galloway returned to Canada to deliver in person the message
he was forced to deliver by Internet connection in March 2009.
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar Asad Interview - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
10:50
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دفاع پاکستان کونسل کیا ھے؟ What is Difa e Pakistan Council? [Urdu]
Since General Zia ul Haq took over, terrorism started hitting Pakistan. Since then, more than 60,000 people including Shias and Sunni Bralevis were killed due to this mindset.
It was 1980s when...
Since General Zia ul Haq took over, terrorism started hitting Pakistan. Since then, more than 60,000 people including Shias and Sunni Bralevis were killed due to this mindset.
It was 1980s when terrorist groups were formed in the name of jihad. Purpose of these outfits was to kill Pakistanis in Pakistan. Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Harkat-ul-Ansar, Sawad-e-Azam AhleSunnat and Harkat ul Mujahideen were formed during General Zia's tenure.
On one hand, they were active in Afghanistan and on the other they hadn't spared fellow Muslims (Shias and Sunnis) in Pakistan. They disliked Shia-Sunni unity because they were stooges of U.S. and Israel.
Even today, these terrorist outfits are free in perpetrating terrorism. Despite three decades of terror, they have resurfaced again.
These terrorists are getting united on the platform of Difa-e-Pakistan Council. All Pakistanis are surprised that these terrorists are free in doing so.
More...
Description:
Since General Zia ul Haq took over, terrorism started hitting Pakistan. Since then, more than 60,000 people including Shias and Sunni Bralevis were killed due to this mindset.
It was 1980s when terrorist groups were formed in the name of jihad. Purpose of these outfits was to kill Pakistanis in Pakistan. Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Harkat-ul-Ansar, Sawad-e-Azam AhleSunnat and Harkat ul Mujahideen were formed during General Zia's tenure.
On one hand, they were active in Afghanistan and on the other they hadn't spared fellow Muslims (Shias and Sunnis) in Pakistan. They disliked Shia-Sunni unity because they were stooges of U.S. and Israel.
Even today, these terrorist outfits are free in perpetrating terrorism. Despite three decades of terror, they have resurfaced again.
These terrorists are getting united on the platform of Difa-e-Pakistan Council. All Pakistanis are surprised that these terrorists are free in doing so.
1:07
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The Spring of Spirituality | Imam Khamenei | Farsi sub English
Rajab, Sha\'ban and Ramadan – these three months are a special gift and blessing of Allah for the believers – especially the youth. The Leader speaks.
Rajab, Sha\'ban and Ramadan – these three months are a special gift and blessing of Allah for the believers – especially the youth. The Leader speaks.
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Rajab,
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Believers,
Youth,
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2:20
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Indian Troops Kill Dozens In Occupied Kashmir As Kashmirs Protest Quran Burning - 13 SEP 2010 - English
Indian troops kill dozens in Kashmir
At least 18 people have been killed and over 100 injured in Indian-controlled Kashmir as soldiers open fire on pro-independence rallies in disputed...
Indian troops kill dozens in Kashmir
At least 18 people have been killed and over 100 injured in Indian-controlled Kashmir as soldiers open fire on pro-independence rallies in disputed Himalayan region.
Security forces opened fire on tens of thousands of protesters in the Budgam and Tangmarg areas.
An Indian soldier was also killed in the violence.
The protests were particularly intense following the news of the desecration of the Quran in the US.
On Sunday, India imposed a curfew in many areas of Kashmir.
However, people have been pouring out to the streets across Kashmir to protest against Indian rule despite the curfews.
The latest round of public outrage began after a government forces' teargas grenade killed a teenager back in June.
More than 80 protesters and by-standers have lost their lives during the unrest ever since.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142336.html
Kashmiris protest Quran desecration
Hundreds of Muslims have defied curfews in Indian-administered Kashmir and hit the streets to voice their anger over desecration of Islam's holy book in the US.
Protests were held in the region's main city of Srinagar and its neighboring districts despite strict curfews, The Nation reported on Monday.
"Death to the US!" and "Death to Quran desecrators!" chanted the protesters, who described the act as despicable.
The protesters also called for punishment of those behind the desecration of the Quran.
"These are absolutely pro-Islam protests and we demand befitting punishment to those who have desecrated the holy Quran. No Muslim anywhere in the world will watch the desecration of the holy Quran as a mute spectator. This protest is beyond borders and nationalities," a 55-year-old Kashmiri said.
Although an American pastor cancelled earlier plans to burn copies of the Quran, other anti-Islam elements in the US desecrated the holy book in New York and in Washington on the anniversary of the 9/11 attacks.
The protest rallies in Srinagar erupted after local television showed a small group of protesters tearing apart and burning pages from the Muslim holy book outside the White House on Saturday.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142324.html
India knocks Press TV off air in Kashmir
India has banned local cable operators in Indian-administered Kashmir from airing Iran's English-language Press TV in the disputed Himalayan region.
State Chief Secretary SS Kapur made the announcement in Kashmir's summer capital of Srinagar on Monday.
"We have decided to impose a ban on the airing of Press TV broadcasts by local cable operators," Kapur told reporters.
The ban comes as Press TV has become popular across the Muslim-majority region due to its enhanced coverage of the regional events over the past three months.
Media organizations have strongly condemned the move and demanded that the government put the channel back on air.
However, reports say more and more people in Kashmir continue to get their news from Press TV via internet services or direct broadcast satellites.
In a separate development, hundreds of Kashmiris have come out to the streets to voice their anger over the desecration of Islam's holy book in the US.
Protests were held in the Indian-administered region's main city of Srinagar, and its neighboring districts despite strict curfews in place.
The protesters, who were shouting anti-US slogans, described the act as despicable, calling for the punishment of those behind the desecration of the Quran.
The protests erupted after pages from the Muslim holy book were torn up and burned in Washington, as well as in other US cities.
The move has outraged Muslims all over the world.
Meanwhile, at least twelve people were killed in Indian-controlled Kashmir as soldiers opened fire on pro-independence rallies on Monday.
Unrest in Kashmir has claimed at least 83 lives over the past three months.
Kashmir has been rocked by a wave of protests over the death of a teenager back in June.
He was killed when Indian police fired teargas shells during demonstrations against India's rule over the mainly Muslim-populated Kashmir.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142343.html
More...
Description:
Indian troops kill dozens in Kashmir
At least 18 people have been killed and over 100 injured in Indian-controlled Kashmir as soldiers open fire on pro-independence rallies in disputed Himalayan region.
Security forces opened fire on tens of thousands of protesters in the Budgam and Tangmarg areas.
An Indian soldier was also killed in the violence.
The protests were particularly intense following the news of the desecration of the Quran in the US.
On Sunday, India imposed a curfew in many areas of Kashmir.
However, people have been pouring out to the streets across Kashmir to protest against Indian rule despite the curfews.
The latest round of public outrage began after a government forces' teargas grenade killed a teenager back in June.
More than 80 protesters and by-standers have lost their lives during the unrest ever since.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142336.html
Kashmiris protest Quran desecration
Hundreds of Muslims have defied curfews in Indian-administered Kashmir and hit the streets to voice their anger over desecration of Islam's holy book in the US.
Protests were held in the region's main city of Srinagar and its neighboring districts despite strict curfews, The Nation reported on Monday.
"Death to the US!" and "Death to Quran desecrators!" chanted the protesters, who described the act as despicable.
The protesters also called for punishment of those behind the desecration of the Quran.
"These are absolutely pro-Islam protests and we demand befitting punishment to those who have desecrated the holy Quran. No Muslim anywhere in the world will watch the desecration of the holy Quran as a mute spectator. This protest is beyond borders and nationalities," a 55-year-old Kashmiri said.
Although an American pastor cancelled earlier plans to burn copies of the Quran, other anti-Islam elements in the US desecrated the holy book in New York and in Washington on the anniversary of the 9/11 attacks.
The protest rallies in Srinagar erupted after local television showed a small group of protesters tearing apart and burning pages from the Muslim holy book outside the White House on Saturday.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142324.html
India knocks Press TV off air in Kashmir
India has banned local cable operators in Indian-administered Kashmir from airing Iran's English-language Press TV in the disputed Himalayan region.
State Chief Secretary SS Kapur made the announcement in Kashmir's summer capital of Srinagar on Monday.
"We have decided to impose a ban on the airing of Press TV broadcasts by local cable operators," Kapur told reporters.
The ban comes as Press TV has become popular across the Muslim-majority region due to its enhanced coverage of the regional events over the past three months.
Media organizations have strongly condemned the move and demanded that the government put the channel back on air.
However, reports say more and more people in Kashmir continue to get their news from Press TV via internet services or direct broadcast satellites.
In a separate development, hundreds of Kashmiris have come out to the streets to voice their anger over the desecration of Islam's holy book in the US.
Protests were held in the Indian-administered region's main city of Srinagar, and its neighboring districts despite strict curfews in place.
The protesters, who were shouting anti-US slogans, described the act as despicable, calling for the punishment of those behind the desecration of the Quran.
The protests erupted after pages from the Muslim holy book were torn up and burned in Washington, as well as in other US cities.
The move has outraged Muslims all over the world.
Meanwhile, at least twelve people were killed in Indian-controlled Kashmir as soldiers opened fire on pro-independence rallies on Monday.
Unrest in Kashmir has claimed at least 83 lives over the past three months.
Kashmir has been rocked by a wave of protests over the death of a teenager back in June.
He was killed when Indian police fired teargas shells during demonstrations against India's rule over the mainly Muslim-populated Kashmir.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142343.html
PressTv-Siniora to ban Hezbollahs communications network - English
Afshin Rattansi in Tehran talks to Mohsen Salleh in Beirut about attempts by the Lebanese government to close down Hezbollahs strategic defences for Lebanon soon after the visit of U.S. Secretary...
Afshin Rattansi in Tehran talks to Mohsen Salleh in Beirut about attempts by the Lebanese government to close down Hezbollahs strategic defences for Lebanon soon after the visit of U.S. Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Welch
More...
Description:
Afshin Rattansi in Tehran talks to Mohsen Salleh in Beirut about attempts by the Lebanese government to close down Hezbollahs strategic defences for Lebanon soon after the visit of U.S. Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Welch
1:26
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33:34
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on current situation - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
Cynthia McKinney in an Israeli jail - English
As if we needed any more proof that the international media deliberately avoids exposing anti-Muslim, anti-Palestinian injustices, its suspect behavior during recent days has sealed the case....
As if we needed any more proof that the international media deliberately avoids exposing anti-Muslim, anti-Palestinian injustices, its suspect behavior during recent days has sealed the case.
Even as we were being force-fed minute details of Michael Jackson's colorful life along with endless speculation as to the true parentage of his children, a former U.S. Congresswomen and presidential candidate, Cynthia McKinney, was languishing in an Israeli jail.
Her 'crime' was boarding the Free Gaza Movement's aid vessel The Spirit of Humanity in Cyprus, in an effort to break Israel's cruel siege of Gaza, which even the U.S. President has condemned.
Like several of her sister vessels, The Spirit of Humanity was attacked by the Israeli Navy in international waters before being boarded by Israeli commandos and dragged along with its crew and passengers towards Israel.
Once there, 21 human rights advocates from the U.S., Britain, Ireland, Denmark, Jordan, Palestine and Yemen, including McKinney, Noble Laureate Mairead Maguire, and documentary filmmaker Adam Shapiro, were incarcerated.
Let's be realistic. If just about any other high-profile U.S. politician on any other mission had been detained within a cell block on foreign soil, the incident would have merited headlines.
However, McKinney's abduction went almost unnoticed. Not only was the story relegated to the back pages, if it ran at all, there was a corresponding absence of comment from Congress and the White House.
McKinney is now home after refusing to sign a statement in Hebrew that she was guilty of a violation, but the mainstream media is certainly not clamoring at her door for interviews.
As far as I can tell, her ordeal has mostly been covered by left-wing outlets such as Democracy Now or Middle East networks including Al Jazeera and Press TV.
A number of McKinney's supporters say the reason for the media blackout was the fact that she is a Black American. But, in fact, it's her cause that's the problem rather than her color.
My analysis is based on the lack of media coverage given to the Viva Palestina aid convoy of trucks and ambulances from London to Gaza, led by British Parliamentarian George Galloway.
The Herculean efforts of hundreds of ordinary Britons to deliver much-needed humanitarian supplies to war-torn Gaza earlier this year was a non-event as far as the media was concerned until Galloway was barred from entering Canada as a result.
Unless you're a person who relentlessly digs on the internet, you probably are not aware that during McKinney's ordeal, Galloway, along with Vietnam War veteran Ron Kovic, were meeting up with over 200 Americans in Cairo armed with $2 million (Dh7.35 million) that was raised in the U.S. to buy trucks and medical aid destined for Gaza.
The Egyptian English-language paper Al Ahram Weekly dubs this ""the largest grassroots medical relief effort for Gaza in U.S. history"" but once again, this doesn't merit column inches in either U.S. or European mainstream papers.
In a similar vein, is the way that the horrendous courtroom stabbing of 32-year-old Marwa Al Sherbini was considered inconsequential by the German media until it elicited angry protests in her hometown of Alexandria.
There are so many aspects to this story, which should have been emblazoned across front pages.
First of all it was a blatant race crime, which Germany is normally sensitive about. Second, it begs questions concerning court security.
What were armed officers doing when Marwa was stabbed 18 times and why was her husband shot when he attempted to protect his pregnant wife?
What kind of editors would bin reports of such a horrendous crime carried out in full view of the authorities? What were they thinking?
Purely coincidentally, I was sitting at a table with one of Marwa's uncles in an Alexandria coffee shop when he received a call on his mobile and had to dash off because of a ""family emergency"".
Today, this exceptionally close-knit family is devastated and hurt that the murder of one of their own wasn't initially treated with the weight the crime deserved.
Egyptians are outraged at Germany's disinterest and the inaction of their own foreign office. The numbers who attended her funeral, who gathered outside the German embassy in Cairo and who demonstrated in Cairo and Alexandria speak for themselves.
Because Marwa's dispute with her attacker was based on his objections to her Islamic headscarf, the death of the young pharmacist has become an emblem for the rights of Muslim women at a time when the French President is attempting to ban the burqa. Marwa loved life.
She didn't plan to become a martyr. But in the eyes of Egyptians calling for a mosque and a street in Alexandria to be renamed in her honor, she is a heroine.
If the U.S. and Europe are chronically supine when it comes to Muslim causes, then the governments and media throughout the Arab and Muslim world should embrace them clearly and loudly.
With anti-Muslim hate crimes on the rise, Muslims need a strong united voice on the international stage. Shame on the world's media that appears to be united only in its anti-Muslim bias!
Linda S. Heard is a specialist British writer on Middle East affairs.
(Source: Gulf News
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Description:
As if we needed any more proof that the international media deliberately avoids exposing anti-Muslim, anti-Palestinian injustices, its suspect behavior during recent days has sealed the case.
Even as we were being force-fed minute details of Michael Jackson's colorful life along with endless speculation as to the true parentage of his children, a former U.S. Congresswomen and presidential candidate, Cynthia McKinney, was languishing in an Israeli jail.
Her 'crime' was boarding the Free Gaza Movement's aid vessel The Spirit of Humanity in Cyprus, in an effort to break Israel's cruel siege of Gaza, which even the U.S. President has condemned.
Like several of her sister vessels, The Spirit of Humanity was attacked by the Israeli Navy in international waters before being boarded by Israeli commandos and dragged along with its crew and passengers towards Israel.
Once there, 21 human rights advocates from the U.S., Britain, Ireland, Denmark, Jordan, Palestine and Yemen, including McKinney, Noble Laureate Mairead Maguire, and documentary filmmaker Adam Shapiro, were incarcerated.
Let's be realistic. If just about any other high-profile U.S. politician on any other mission had been detained within a cell block on foreign soil, the incident would have merited headlines.
However, McKinney's abduction went almost unnoticed. Not only was the story relegated to the back pages, if it ran at all, there was a corresponding absence of comment from Congress and the White House.
McKinney is now home after refusing to sign a statement in Hebrew that she was guilty of a violation, but the mainstream media is certainly not clamoring at her door for interviews.
As far as I can tell, her ordeal has mostly been covered by left-wing outlets such as Democracy Now or Middle East networks including Al Jazeera and Press TV.
A number of McKinney's supporters say the reason for the media blackout was the fact that she is a Black American. But, in fact, it's her cause that's the problem rather than her color.
My analysis is based on the lack of media coverage given to the Viva Palestina aid convoy of trucks and ambulances from London to Gaza, led by British Parliamentarian George Galloway.
The Herculean efforts of hundreds of ordinary Britons to deliver much-needed humanitarian supplies to war-torn Gaza earlier this year was a non-event as far as the media was concerned until Galloway was barred from entering Canada as a result.
Unless you're a person who relentlessly digs on the internet, you probably are not aware that during McKinney's ordeal, Galloway, along with Vietnam War veteran Ron Kovic, were meeting up with over 200 Americans in Cairo armed with $2 million (Dh7.35 million) that was raised in the U.S. to buy trucks and medical aid destined for Gaza.
The Egyptian English-language paper Al Ahram Weekly dubs this ""the largest grassroots medical relief effort for Gaza in U.S. history"" but once again, this doesn't merit column inches in either U.S. or European mainstream papers.
In a similar vein, is the way that the horrendous courtroom stabbing of 32-year-old Marwa Al Sherbini was considered inconsequential by the German media until it elicited angry protests in her hometown of Alexandria.
There are so many aspects to this story, which should have been emblazoned across front pages.
First of all it was a blatant race crime, which Germany is normally sensitive about. Second, it begs questions concerning court security.
What were armed officers doing when Marwa was stabbed 18 times and why was her husband shot when he attempted to protect his pregnant wife?
What kind of editors would bin reports of such a horrendous crime carried out in full view of the authorities? What were they thinking?
Purely coincidentally, I was sitting at a table with one of Marwa's uncles in an Alexandria coffee shop when he received a call on his mobile and had to dash off because of a ""family emergency"".
Today, this exceptionally close-knit family is devastated and hurt that the murder of one of their own wasn't initially treated with the weight the crime deserved.
Egyptians are outraged at Germany's disinterest and the inaction of their own foreign office. The numbers who attended her funeral, who gathered outside the German embassy in Cairo and who demonstrated in Cairo and Alexandria speak for themselves.
Because Marwa's dispute with her attacker was based on his objections to her Islamic headscarf, the death of the young pharmacist has become an emblem for the rights of Muslim women at a time when the French President is attempting to ban the burqa. Marwa loved life.
She didn't plan to become a martyr. But in the eyes of Egyptians calling for a mosque and a street in Alexandria to be renamed in her honor, she is a heroine.
If the U.S. and Europe are chronically supine when it comes to Muslim causes, then the governments and media throughout the Arab and Muslim world should embrace them clearly and loudly.
With anti-Muslim hate crimes on the rise, Muslims need a strong united voice on the international stage. Shame on the world's media that appears to be united only in its anti-Muslim bias!
Linda S. Heard is a specialist British writer on Middle East affairs.
(Source: Gulf News
0:29
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As Russia Reneges On S-300 Deal, Iran Announces It Will Develop Its Own S-300 - 22 SEP 2010 - English
Iran to build system similar to S-300
Iran says the construction of a missile defense system similar to the sophisticated Russian S-300 anti-aircraft system is still on the country's agenda....
Iran to build system similar to S-300
Iran says the construction of a missile defense system similar to the sophisticated Russian S-300 anti-aircraft system is still on the country's agenda.
Iranian Defense Minister Ahmad Vahidi told reporters on Wednesday that Iran still plans to construct the system.
His remarks come after Moscow decided to suspend a much-delayed deal to deliver the system to Iran.
"A decision has been taken not to supply the S-300 to Iran, they undoubtedly fall under sanctions," chief of the Russian General Staff, Gen. Nikolai Makarov said on Wednesday.
"The authorities decided to suspend the process of supplies," ITAR-TASS News Agency quoted Makarov as saying.
Under a contract signed in 2005, Russia was required to provide Iran with at least five S-300 air-defense systems. However, Moscow's continuous delays in delivering the defense system drew criticism from Tehran on several occasions.
Following the adoption of Resolution 1929 by UN Security Council (UNSC) against Iran, Russian authorities began making conflicting statements about how the new sanctions would affect the contract.
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in June that Moscow would "freeze the delivery of the S-300 missiles" to Iran as it runs counter to the new round of UN Security Council sanctions on the country.
Putin's remarks came as Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov had earlier said UN sanctions would not affect the S-300 contract with Iran, as these missiles are "defensive weapons" and do not fall under the terms of the sanctions.
Iran has been trying to obtain the sophisticated defense system to improve its deterrence power in reaction to Israeli war rhetoric.
Experts believe the S-300 missile defense system can shield Iranian nuclear sites from any Israeli airstrike.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/143576.html
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Description:
Iran to build system similar to S-300
Iran says the construction of a missile defense system similar to the sophisticated Russian S-300 anti-aircraft system is still on the country's agenda.
Iranian Defense Minister Ahmad Vahidi told reporters on Wednesday that Iran still plans to construct the system.
His remarks come after Moscow decided to suspend a much-delayed deal to deliver the system to Iran.
"A decision has been taken not to supply the S-300 to Iran, they undoubtedly fall under sanctions," chief of the Russian General Staff, Gen. Nikolai Makarov said on Wednesday.
"The authorities decided to suspend the process of supplies," ITAR-TASS News Agency quoted Makarov as saying.
Under a contract signed in 2005, Russia was required to provide Iran with at least five S-300 air-defense systems. However, Moscow's continuous delays in delivering the defense system drew criticism from Tehran on several occasions.
Following the adoption of Resolution 1929 by UN Security Council (UNSC) against Iran, Russian authorities began making conflicting statements about how the new sanctions would affect the contract.
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in June that Moscow would "freeze the delivery of the S-300 missiles" to Iran as it runs counter to the new round of UN Security Council sanctions on the country.
Putin's remarks came as Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov had earlier said UN sanctions would not affect the S-300 contract with Iran, as these missiles are "defensive weapons" and do not fall under the terms of the sanctions.
Iran has been trying to obtain the sophisticated defense system to improve its deterrence power in reaction to Israeli war rhetoric.
Experts believe the S-300 missile defense system can shield Iranian nuclear sites from any Israeli airstrike.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/143576.html
71:55
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[11/12/2012] Discurso de Seyed Hasan Nasrolá - Spanish
El secretario general del Movimiento de Resistencia Islámica de El Líbano, Hezbolá, Seyed Hasan Nasrolá, ofrece discurso en el Día de los Mártires.
Las declaraciones más destacadas de...
El secretario general del Movimiento de Resistencia Islámica de El Líbano, Hezbolá, Seyed Hasan Nasrolá, ofrece discurso en el Día de los Mártires.
Las declaraciones más destacadas de Seyed Hasan Nasrolá en este día:
1. El Día de los Mártires considerado una oportunidad para recordar al inmolado Ahmad Kassir.
2. Estamos contentos por los 30 años de logros.
3. La disuasión de El Líbano no es algo nuevo.
4. El movimiento de resistencia libanesa ha tomado medidas inteligentes.
5. El régimen de Israel falló en dar respuesta después de que nos responsabilizáramos de la operación del drone.
6. El asesinato del jefe de Inteligencia ha creado un nuevo escenario para El Líbano.
7. Algunos grupos políticos en El Líbano están colaborando con el régimen de Israel.
8. Algunos tratan de transformar a Sidón en un centro de sedición.
9. Algunos grupos buscan las tensiones entre suníes y chiíes.
10. La alianza del 14 de Marzo trata de eliminar a los demás.
11. La alianza del 14 de Marzo es contraria a la participación nacional.
12. La participación nacional salva a El Líbano.
13. La crisis de Siria debe ser resuelta a través de medios políticos.
14. EE.UU., el régimen de Israel y algunos Gobiernos árabes buscan más derramamiento de sangre en Siria.
15. Nasrolá hace un llamamiento a la vigilancia y circunspección.
16. Nasrolá insiste en continuar con la resistencia.
17. Nasrolá llama a todos los libaneses a que revisen los últimos 30 años.
18. Nasrolá indica la miseria de los musulmanes en Myanmar.
19. Nasrolá lamenta la pasiva actitud de la Liga Árabe respecto a sufrimiento en Gaza y en Myanmar.
20. Nasrolá culpa a los que defendiendo al régimen de Israel, acusan a Hezbolá de asesinato de Wisam al-Hassan.
21. Nasrolá hace un llamamiento a moderación.
22. Hezbolá concede gran importancia a la estrategia de defensa nacional.
23. Hezbolá censura a aquellos que participen en conversaciones internacionales y a la vez cooperan con el régimen de Israel.
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El secretario general del Movimiento de Resistencia Islámica de El Líbano, Hezbolá, Seyed Hasan Nasrolá, ofrece discurso en el Día de los Mártires.
Las declaraciones más destacadas de Seyed Hasan Nasrolá en este día:
1. El Día de los Mártires considerado una oportunidad para recordar al inmolado Ahmad Kassir.
2. Estamos contentos por los 30 años de logros.
3. La disuasión de El Líbano no es algo nuevo.
4. El movimiento de resistencia libanesa ha tomado medidas inteligentes.
5. El régimen de Israel falló en dar respuesta después de que nos responsabilizáramos de la operación del drone.
6. El asesinato del jefe de Inteligencia ha creado un nuevo escenario para El Líbano.
7. Algunos grupos políticos en El Líbano están colaborando con el régimen de Israel.
8. Algunos tratan de transformar a Sidón en un centro de sedición.
9. Algunos grupos buscan las tensiones entre suníes y chiíes.
10. La alianza del 14 de Marzo trata de eliminar a los demás.
11. La alianza del 14 de Marzo es contraria a la participación nacional.
12. La participación nacional salva a El Líbano.
13. La crisis de Siria debe ser resuelta a través de medios políticos.
14. EE.UU., el régimen de Israel y algunos Gobiernos árabes buscan más derramamiento de sangre en Siria.
15. Nasrolá hace un llamamiento a la vigilancia y circunspección.
16. Nasrolá insiste en continuar con la resistencia.
17. Nasrolá llama a todos los libaneses a que revisen los últimos 30 años.
18. Nasrolá indica la miseria de los musulmanes en Myanmar.
19. Nasrolá lamenta la pasiva actitud de la Liga Árabe respecto a sufrimiento en Gaza y en Myanmar.
20. Nasrolá culpa a los que defendiendo al régimen de Israel, acusan a Hezbolá de asesinato de Wisam al-Hassan.
21. Nasrolá hace un llamamiento a moderación.
22. Hezbolá concede gran importancia a la estrategia de defensa nacional.
23. Hezbolá censura a aquellos que participen en conversaciones internacionales y a la vez cooperan con el régimen de Israel.
http://www.hispantv.com
http://www.facebook.com/Hispantv
http://hispantv.com/Frequencies.aspx
0:47
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France Passes Anti-Burqa/Niqab (Full Face Veil) Law - English
French lawmakers approve burqa ban
French lawmakers have ratified a legislation to prohibit women from wearing face-covering veils despite right activist saying such a law violates personal and...
French lawmakers approve burqa ban
French lawmakers have ratified a legislation to prohibit women from wearing face-covering veils despite right activist saying such a law violates personal and religious freedoms.
The Senate voted 246 to 1 in favor of the bill, which has already cleared the lower chamber, the National Assembly, reported AFP.
The law will come into effect if the Constitutional Council does not question its legality.
Muslims argue that the legislation is going to discriminates against France's Muslim population, which is already facing rising level of Islamophobia.
Once in place, the law will allow authorities to arrest and fine those women who defy the ban.
A woman who continues wearing veils will receive a fine of EUR 150 (USD 195) or a course of citizenship lessons. A man who forces a woman to go veiled will be fined EUR 30,000 and imprisonment.
France is home to the largest Muslim population among the 27 European Union member states. Nearly 10 percent of the 62 million people living in French is Muslim.
In June, members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) unanimously voted against any general ban against burqa or niqab in Europe, saying Muslim women should be free to choose their clothing.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142540.html
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French lawmakers approve burqa ban
French lawmakers have ratified a legislation to prohibit women from wearing face-covering veils despite right activist saying such a law violates personal and religious freedoms.
The Senate voted 246 to 1 in favor of the bill, which has already cleared the lower chamber, the National Assembly, reported AFP.
The law will come into effect if the Constitutional Council does not question its legality.
Muslims argue that the legislation is going to discriminates against France's Muslim population, which is already facing rising level of Islamophobia.
Once in place, the law will allow authorities to arrest and fine those women who defy the ban.
A woman who continues wearing veils will receive a fine of EUR 150 (USD 195) or a course of citizenship lessons. A man who forces a woman to go veiled will be fined EUR 30,000 and imprisonment.
France is home to the largest Muslim population among the 27 European Union member states. Nearly 10 percent of the 62 million people living in French is Muslim.
In June, members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) unanimously voted against any general ban against burqa or niqab in Europe, saying Muslim women should be free to choose their clothing.
Article Source: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/142540.html
5:07
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[In Search of Kenney] Galloway goes to Minister - English
Former British Member of Parliament and Palestine freedom struggle activist George Galloway goes to Canadian Immigration Minister Jason Kenney's Calgary constituency office to confront him on...
Former British Member of Parliament and Palestine freedom struggle activist George Galloway goes to Canadian Immigration Minister Jason Kenney's Calgary constituency office to confront him on allegations that minister made last year when he banned him from entering Canada.
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Former British Member of Parliament and Palestine freedom struggle activist George Galloway goes to Canadian Immigration Minister Jason Kenney's Calgary constituency office to confront him on allegations that minister made last year when he banned him from entering Canada.
2:40
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1:10
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The Birth Anniversary of Imam Husayn (A) | Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei | Farsi Sub English
Congratulations to all the believers upon the birth anniversary of the 3rd Infallible Imam, the Master of Martyrs, Imam Husayn ibn Ali (A).
The blessings and the greatness of the 3rd of...
Congratulations to all the believers upon the birth anniversary of the 3rd Infallible Imam, the Master of Martyrs, Imam Husayn ibn Ali (A).
The blessings and the greatness of the 3rd of Sha\'ban stems from the greatness of Imam Husayn (A).
As Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei says, the destiny of Islam was intertwined with Imam Husayn (A).
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Congratulations to all the believers upon the birth anniversary of the 3rd Infallible Imam, the Master of Martyrs, Imam Husayn ibn Ali (A).
The blessings and the greatness of the 3rd of Sha\'ban stems from the greatness of Imam Husayn (A).
As Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei says, the destiny of Islam was intertwined with Imam Husayn (A).
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25:00
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A Statement From Munajat Sha\'baniyya | Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei | Farsi Sub English
Congratulations to all the believers on the blessed month of Sha\'ban.
The month in which Imam Husayn ibn Ali (A) was born. The month in which Imam Ali ibn Husayn (A) was born....
Congratulations to all the believers on the blessed month of Sha\'ban.
The month in which Imam Husayn ibn Ali (A) was born. The month in which Imam Ali ibn Husayn (A) was born. And the month in which Abal Fazl al-Abbas was born.
This month is a great opportunity to return to Allah and ask for forgiveness.
In this beautiful clip, Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei relates a powerful statement from Imam Sajjad\'s (A) Munajat Sha\'baniyya.
May Allah forgive all the believers, all across the world.
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Congratulations to all the believers on the blessed month of Sha\'ban.
The month in which Imam Husayn ibn Ali (A) was born. The month in which Imam Ali ibn Husayn (A) was born. And the month in which Abal Fazl al-Abbas was born.
This month is a great opportunity to return to Allah and ask for forgiveness.
In this beautiful clip, Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei relates a powerful statement from Imam Sajjad\'s (A) Munajat Sha\'baniyya.
May Allah forgive all the believers, all across the world.
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