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[18 Jan 2014] Syrian forum discusses Geneva II conference - English
A National Syrian forum has been held in Damascus. It was attended by pro-government and political opposition bodies.
Points of view varied on various issues but when it came to Geneva 2...
A National Syrian forum has been held in Damascus. It was attended by pro-government and political opposition bodies.
Points of view varied on various issues but when it came to Geneva 2 conference, there was consensus that only Syrians should decide their future. Internal opposition parties also said they were not even invited to the international gathering slated for January 22. The Syrian National Coordination Body for Democratic Change says it has not received an invitation to attend the Geneva 2 conference either.
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A National Syrian forum has been held in Damascus. It was attended by pro-government and political opposition bodies.
Points of view varied on various issues but when it came to Geneva 2 conference, there was consensus that only Syrians should decide their future. Internal opposition parties also said they were not even invited to the international gathering slated for January 22. The Syrian National Coordination Body for Democratic Change says it has not received an invitation to attend the Geneva 2 conference either.
3:32
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[29 Jan 2014] In Syria, Palestinian refugees at the Yarmouk camp are facing starvation - English
In Syria, Palestinian refugees at the Yarmouk camp on the outskirts of the capital Damascus are faced with starvation.
Reports from the camp say people have started hunting cats, dogs and...
In Syria, Palestinian refugees at the Yarmouk camp on the outskirts of the capital Damascus are faced with starvation.
Reports from the camp say people have started hunting cats, dogs and donkeys. This is while foreign-backed insurgents are still holed up inside, and government forces keep fighting to force them out. Reports say seventy-eight people, including 25 women and three children, have died as a result of food shortage there. Syria has been gripped by a foreign-backed insurgency for nearly three years now.
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In Syria, Palestinian refugees at the Yarmouk camp on the outskirts of the capital Damascus are faced with starvation.
Reports from the camp say people have started hunting cats, dogs and donkeys. This is while foreign-backed insurgents are still holed up inside, and government forces keep fighting to force them out. Reports say seventy-eight people, including 25 women and three children, have died as a result of food shortage there. Syria has been gripped by a foreign-backed insurgency for nearly three years now.
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[16 Feb 2014] Militants pull out of Yarmouk refugee camp under deal with Palestinians - English
In Syria, militants have withdrawn from a Palestinian refugee camp in southern Damascus under a deal with Palestinian factions. Palestinian fighters have been deployed to prevent the entry of any...
In Syria, militants have withdrawn from a Palestinian refugee camp in southern Damascus under a deal with Palestinian factions. Palestinian fighters have been deployed to prevent the entry of any gunmen after most insurgents left the Yarmouk camp. Now a Palestinian delegation is set to tour it soon to make sure that all militants have left. Bomb disposal experts will also be sent there following the tour to defuse all explosives and mines before humanitarian aid is allowed in. Thousands of civilians have been trapped in Yarmouk since the Syrian army laid a siege on the camp after fighting broke out between opponents and supporters of the Syrian government there. The nearly seven-month blockade caused famine, claiming over a hundred lives.
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In Syria, militants have withdrawn from a Palestinian refugee camp in southern Damascus under a deal with Palestinian factions. Palestinian fighters have been deployed to prevent the entry of any gunmen after most insurgents left the Yarmouk camp. Now a Palestinian delegation is set to tour it soon to make sure that all militants have left. Bomb disposal experts will also be sent there following the tour to defuse all explosives and mines before humanitarian aid is allowed in. Thousands of civilians have been trapped in Yarmouk since the Syrian army laid a siege on the camp after fighting broke out between opponents and supporters of the Syrian government there. The nearly seven-month blockade caused famine, claiming over a hundred lives.
2:13
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[26 Feb 2014] Iran parliamentary delegation concludes Syria visit - English
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad received in Damascus an Iranian delegation headed by top Iranian lawmaker Alaedin Boroujerdi.The Syrian president underlined the necessity of cooperation among...
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad received in Damascus an Iranian delegation headed by top Iranian lawmaker Alaedin Boroujerdi.The Syrian president underlined the necessity of cooperation among regional countries to deal with the menace of terrorism and extremism. He also noted the importance of coordination among parliaments in a way that unites stances in fighting the Wahhabi ideology. Boroujerdi, on his part, asserted that only the Syrians have the right to determine their future.
The Iranian parliamentary delegation also met with Prime Minister Wael al-Halaqi. The two sides discussed bilateral economic ties and means to boost it further.Boroujerdi, in a separate meeting with foreign minister Waleed al-Moallem, exchanged views on Geneva 2 peace conference.
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Syrian President Bashar al-Assad received in Damascus an Iranian delegation headed by top Iranian lawmaker Alaedin Boroujerdi.The Syrian president underlined the necessity of cooperation among regional countries to deal with the menace of terrorism and extremism. He also noted the importance of coordination among parliaments in a way that unites stances in fighting the Wahhabi ideology. Boroujerdi, on his part, asserted that only the Syrians have the right to determine their future.
The Iranian parliamentary delegation also met with Prime Minister Wael al-Halaqi. The two sides discussed bilateral economic ties and means to boost it further.Boroujerdi, in a separate meeting with foreign minister Waleed al-Moallem, exchanged views on Geneva 2 peace conference.
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3:03
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[10 August 2019] Syria slams US-Turkish buffer zone plan - English
Damascus has slammed a US-Turkish plan to establish a buffer zone in northern Syria as a flagrant attack on the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Watch Live:...
Damascus has slammed a US-Turkish plan to establish a buffer zone in northern Syria as a flagrant attack on the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Watch Live: http://www.presstv.com/live.html
Twitter: http://twitter.com/PressTV
LiveLeak: http://www.liveleak.com/c/PressTV
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#PressTV #Iran #News
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Damascus has slammed a US-Turkish plan to establish a buffer zone in northern Syria as a flagrant attack on the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Watch Live: http://www.presstv.com/live.html
Twitter: http://twitter.com/PressTV
LiveLeak: http://www.liveleak.com/c/PressTV
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/PRESSTV
Instagram: http://instagram.com/presstvchannel
#PressTV #Iran #News
113:00
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Damascus Time فیلم کامل به وقت شام | Farsi sub English
9361 - \"به وقت شام\" به کارگردانی و نویسندگی ابراهیم حاتمیکیا داستان پدر و پسری خلبان است که مأموریت ویژه...
9361 - \"به وقت شام\" به کارگردانی و نویسندگی ابراهیم حاتمیکیا داستان پدر و پسری خلبان است که مأموریت ویژه آنها به پرواز درآوردن یک هواپیمای ایلوشین در تَدمُر به سمت دمشق است. آنها باید مردم تحت ظلم داعش را به وسیله این پرواز نجات دهند اما در این راه مشکلات زیادی در انتظار آنها است.بازیگران: بابک حمیدیان،هادی حجازیفر،پیر داغر،خالد السید،رامی عطاالله،الیث المفتی،ژاله کاظمی.
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9361 - \"به وقت شام\" به کارگردانی و نویسندگی ابراهیم حاتمیکیا داستان پدر و پسری خلبان است که مأموریت ویژه آنها به پرواز درآوردن یک هواپیمای ایلوشین در تَدمُر به سمت دمشق است. آنها باید مردم تحت ظلم داعش را به وسیله این پرواز نجات دهند اما در این راه مشکلات زیادی در انتظار آنها است.بازیگران: بابک حمیدیان،هادی حجازیفر،پیر داغر،خالد السید،رامی عطاالله،الیث المفتی،ژاله کاظمی.
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The AGONIZING moment Husayn (A) said Goodbye to his Family | KARBALA 2020 | English
Five of our most valued scholars - Shaykh Ali, Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi, Sayyid Samir Al-Hakim and Sayyid Haydar Hasanayn - retell the moments Imam Husayn (A) bid...
Five of our most valued scholars - Shaykh Ali, Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi, Sayyid Samir Al-Hakim and Sayyid Haydar Hasanayn - retell the moments Imam Husayn (A) bid farewell to his Ahlulbayt (A). These moments were truly devastating and hard to recount; one can only imagine how this moment pierced the heart of Sayyida Zaynab (A)… #YaFatima!
#ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #7Concept #IslamicRap #IslamicNasheed #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab
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Five of our most valued scholars - Shaykh Ali, Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi, Sayyid Samir Al-Hakim and Sayyid Haydar Hasanayn - retell the moments Imam Husayn (A) bid farewell to his Ahlulbayt (A). These moments were truly devastating and hard to recount; one can only imagine how this moment pierced the heart of Sayyida Zaynab (A)… #YaFatima!
#ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #7Concept #IslamicRap #IslamicNasheed #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab
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13:37
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Handling Covid19 protocols in MUHARRAM 2020 in Iran | Howza Life | English
We weren’t taking Covid19 protocols too seriously - but, back in June/July, the Leader highlighted its significance emphatically. Now, we don’t leave the house without a mask: and the same goes...
We weren’t taking Covid19 protocols too seriously - but, back in June/July, the Leader highlighted its significance emphatically. Now, we don’t leave the house without a mask: and the same goes for Iranians in general! How did Iranians commemorate Muharram while adhering to Covid19 protocols? How did individuals throughout Iran mourn their master, Imam Husayn (A)? What is the mainstream media not showing you about Iran’s tactful handling of the virus, as compared to other nations? Muzaffer Hyder and his wife, Sayyida Fatima Ali, share their experiences of living in the Holy City of Qom.
#Covid19 #Corona #Virus #ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab
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We weren’t taking Covid19 protocols too seriously - but, back in June/July, the Leader highlighted its significance emphatically. Now, we don’t leave the house without a mask: and the same goes for Iranians in general! How did Iranians commemorate Muharram while adhering to Covid19 protocols? How did individuals throughout Iran mourn their master, Imam Husayn (A)? What is the mainstream media not showing you about Iran’s tactful handling of the virus, as compared to other nations? Muzaffer Hyder and his wife, Sayyida Fatima Ali, share their experiences of living in the Holy City of Qom.
#Covid19 #Corona #Virus #ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab
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2:34
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Sakina, the Daughter of Imam Husayn (A) | One Minute Wisdom | English
A minute of your time to think about the sins that prevent our tears from flowing and to remember the young daughter of Imam Husayn (A), who was treated in a brutal and terrible manner by...
A minute of your time to think about the sins that prevent our tears from flowing and to remember the young daughter of Imam Husayn (A), who was treated in a brutal and terrible manner by the enemies of the Ahlulbayt (A).
#ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab #OneMinuteWisdom #OMW
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A minute of your time to think about the sins that prevent our tears from flowing and to remember the young daughter of Imam Husayn (A), who was treated in a brutal and terrible manner by the enemies of the Ahlulbayt (A).
#ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab #OneMinuteWisdom #OMW
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15:00
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[ARBAEEN] The Final Moments of Imam Husayn (A)’s Martyrdom | KARBALA 2020 | English
Wherever they are, believers are commemorating Arbaeen (40 days after the martyrdom of Imam Husayn - Allah’s peace and blessings be upon him). The day that the “blood of Allah” was...
Wherever they are, believers are commemorating Arbaeen (40 days after the martyrdom of Imam Husayn - Allah’s peace and blessings be upon him). The day that the “blood of Allah” was spilled, the earth may have shattered, the sky turned red and dark, blood rained and blood was found under stones across the world, soon after, the Holy Kabah was attacked and so was the Holy City of Medina. Every sanctuary of earth ceased to provide its safety and kindness became nought but a memory.
Five of our most valued scholars - Shaykh Ali, Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi, Sayyid Samir Al-Hakim and Sayyid Haydar Hasanayn - retell the final heartbreaking, heart shattering and unbearable moments when Imam Husayn (A) was brutally and mercilessly massacred in Karbala.
#Arbaeen #40Days #ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love # #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab
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Wherever they are, believers are commemorating Arbaeen (40 days after the martyrdom of Imam Husayn - Allah’s peace and blessings be upon him). The day that the “blood of Allah” was spilled, the earth may have shattered, the sky turned red and dark, blood rained and blood was found under stones across the world, soon after, the Holy Kabah was attacked and so was the Holy City of Medina. Every sanctuary of earth ceased to provide its safety and kindness became nought but a memory.
Five of our most valued scholars - Shaykh Ali, Shaykh Muzaffer Hyder, Sayyid Shahryar Naqvi, Sayyid Samir Al-Hakim and Sayyid Haydar Hasanayn - retell the final heartbreaking, heart shattering and unbearable moments when Imam Husayn (A) was brutally and mercilessly massacred in Karbala.
#Arbaeen #40Days #ImamHusayn #Karbala #Justice #Freedom #Humanity #Love # #HusaynForHumanity #Iraq #Yazid #Justice #Muharram #WhoIsHussain #WhoIsHusayn #Karbala2020 #Muharram2020 #Safar #Zaynab #Zainab #Syria #Shaam #Damascus #Iran #Sakina #YaZaynab
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33:34
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on current situation - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar Asad Interview - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
0:40
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Syrians stage mass anti-US rally - All Languages
Syrians stage mass anti-US rally
Mature
(BBC NEWS) -- Thousands of people have held a peaceful demonstration in Damascus against an alleged US raid on a village that Syria says killed...
Syrians stage mass anti-US rally
Mature
(BBC NEWS) -- Thousands of people have held a peaceful demonstration in Damascus against an alleged US raid on a village that Syria says killed eight people.
Riot police armed with batons and shields surrounded the US embassy in Damascus, which closed due to what it said were increased security concerns.
The US state department and the White House have refused to confirm, deny or comment on
The assault claimed the lives of eight civilians, including a father and his four sons.
They protestos said the act of aggression is a flagrant violation of international law and a form of systematic terrorism exercised by the American administration on the Arab world, Lebanese Al-Manar TV reported.
Damascus witnessed a huge public demonstration in protest to the US act of aggression which targeted the al-Sukkariah farm outside Abu Kamal.
The protestors, who came from student, women, civic societies, religious and trade union activists, voiced condemnation of the American crime which targeted peaceful building workers on a farm outside the town of Abu Kamal near the border with Iraq on Sunday.
The protestors called on the international community to put an end to reckless US arrogance, appealing to international organizations to condemn such acts of terrorism and take the needed procedures to put on trial the aggressors who show disregard for international laws, norms and charters.
The US Embassy in Damascus was closed Thursday because of security concerns related to the protest. The Syrian government has ordered the closure of a US school, expected within a week, and the immediate closing of the American cultural center linked to the embassy.
The US Embassy meanwhile warned Americans on Thursday to be vigilant. The announcement raises concerns about the safety of US citizens in Syria.
In Washington, State Department deputy spokesman Robert Wood said Wednesday that Syria had formally notified the US of the closure order for the cultural center, effective immediately, and the school by November 6.
Wood said Washington was considering how to respond and stressed the US expects the Syrian government to provide adequate security for the buildings housing the cultural center and the Damascus Community School.
More...
Description:
Syrians stage mass anti-US rally
Mature
(BBC NEWS) -- Thousands of people have held a peaceful demonstration in Damascus against an alleged US raid on a village that Syria says killed eight people.
Riot police armed with batons and shields surrounded the US embassy in Damascus, which closed due to what it said were increased security concerns.
The US state department and the White House have refused to confirm, deny or comment on
The assault claimed the lives of eight civilians, including a father and his four sons.
They protestos said the act of aggression is a flagrant violation of international law and a form of systematic terrorism exercised by the American administration on the Arab world, Lebanese Al-Manar TV reported.
Damascus witnessed a huge public demonstration in protest to the US act of aggression which targeted the al-Sukkariah farm outside Abu Kamal.
The protestors, who came from student, women, civic societies, religious and trade union activists, voiced condemnation of the American crime which targeted peaceful building workers on a farm outside the town of Abu Kamal near the border with Iraq on Sunday.
The protestors called on the international community to put an end to reckless US arrogance, appealing to international organizations to condemn such acts of terrorism and take the needed procedures to put on trial the aggressors who show disregard for international laws, norms and charters.
The US Embassy in Damascus was closed Thursday because of security concerns related to the protest. The Syrian government has ordered the closure of a US school, expected within a week, and the immediate closing of the American cultural center linked to the embassy.
The US Embassy meanwhile warned Americans on Thursday to be vigilant. The announcement raises concerns about the safety of US citizens in Syria.
In Washington, State Department deputy spokesman Robert Wood said Wednesday that Syria had formally notified the US of the closure order for the cultural center, effective immediately, and the school by November 6.
Wood said Washington was considering how to respond and stressed the US expects the Syrian government to provide adequate security for the buildings housing the cultural center and the Damascus Community School.
2:44
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[23 June 13] Syrian Army battles insurgents in heart of capital - English
A car bomb rocked the central Mezzeh district of the Syrian capital Damascus killing and injuring a number of civilians. A three-year-old child was also among the people killed there. The...
A car bomb rocked the central Mezzeh district of the Syrian capital Damascus killing and injuring a number of civilians. A three-year-old child was also among the people killed there. The explosion, which happened in the heavily populated al-Madraseh neighborhood, also caused material damage to the shops and apartments. Residents of this often-targeted neighborhood say armed men frequently attack them because they support resistance against the Israeli enemy. Elsewhere in the Rukn al-Deen neighborhood in north Damascus several bombers attacked a police station leaving several people dead, many of them the terrorists. Also, the insurgents attacked a criminal security branch in Bab Musalla in southwest Damascus. Authorities say at least 11 people died in the two attacks.
Mohamad Ali, Press TV, Damascus
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Description:
A car bomb rocked the central Mezzeh district of the Syrian capital Damascus killing and injuring a number of civilians. A three-year-old child was also among the people killed there. The explosion, which happened in the heavily populated al-Madraseh neighborhood, also caused material damage to the shops and apartments. Residents of this often-targeted neighborhood say armed men frequently attack them because they support resistance against the Israeli enemy. Elsewhere in the Rukn al-Deen neighborhood in north Damascus several bombers attacked a police station leaving several people dead, many of them the terrorists. Also, the insurgents attacked a criminal security branch in Bab Musalla in southwest Damascus. Authorities say at least 11 people died in the two attacks.
Mohamad Ali, Press TV, Damascus
8:45
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***VIEWER DISCRETION*** Turkey leads anti-Syria smear campaign - 13Jun11 - English
Turkey's smear campaign against the Syrian government is much worse than the propaganda spread by Arab media to tarnish the image of Damascus with regards to its recent unrest.
While Syrian...
Turkey's smear campaign against the Syrian government is much worse than the propaganda spread by Arab media to tarnish the image of Damascus with regards to its recent unrest.
While Syrian officials and residents of crisis-hit Syrian regions have repeatedly said that armed groups are responsible for the deadly clashes in the country, Turkey has tried to portray Iran and the Lebanese Resistance Movement, Hezbollah, as being behind the unrest in Syria and that they help Damascus quell protests.
The Turkish NTV news channel recently claimed that the Syrian soldiers who refused to open fire on protesters were shot dead by their commanders.
The broadcaster reported that a Syrian soldier taking refuge in the country says that he and his comrades were trying to avoid hurting protesters by firing warning shots, but those who refused to open fire on protesters were shot dead.
"I've seen Iranians and Hezbollah operators giving instructions to shoot, and those who refused were immediately shot dead," the alleged fugitive Syrian soldier told NTV, adding that the soldiers were mostly shot from behind or in the neck.
The Turkish broadcaster has also claimed that Syrian forces have opened fire on unarmed civilians in al-Rastan.
"We opened fire on everyone, the young, the old... Women were raped in front of their husbands and children," the army defector told NTV.
Political analysts in Middle East affairs have accused Ankara of playing a double game -- claiming to support the Damascus government in order to have greater influence in the Middle East, while at the same time supporting and providing a safe haven for armed gangs seeking to incite revolt in Syria.
Iranian analyst Hadi Mohammadi says that the United States has now formed operational headquarters in southern Turkey close to the border with Syria to direct the riots in the Arab country after its attempts to cause unrest in southern Syria were unsuccessful.
Mohammadi said that the United States has assigned Turkey to carry out its anti-Syria plan. It has hence provided aid to the Turkish Army to assist Syrian dissidents in crossing into Turkey and settle in tent villages set up in Turkey's Hatay Province.
Meanwhile, a mass grave with bodies of at least 10 Syrian security forces was discovered near the northwestern town of Jisr al-Shughour on Monday.
Syria's state TV says the victims were killed by armed gangs and the bodies bore marks of torture.
Heavy clashes were reported as troops and tanks moved into the city on Sunday and gunmen targeted civilian areas including a hospital.
The government says it entered the town to restore order after some 120 security forces were killed there about a week ago. People in Jisr al-Shughour gathered to thank government troops for protecting them against the gunmen.
More...
Description:
Turkey's smear campaign against the Syrian government is much worse than the propaganda spread by Arab media to tarnish the image of Damascus with regards to its recent unrest.
While Syrian officials and residents of crisis-hit Syrian regions have repeatedly said that armed groups are responsible for the deadly clashes in the country, Turkey has tried to portray Iran and the Lebanese Resistance Movement, Hezbollah, as being behind the unrest in Syria and that they help Damascus quell protests.
The Turkish NTV news channel recently claimed that the Syrian soldiers who refused to open fire on protesters were shot dead by their commanders.
The broadcaster reported that a Syrian soldier taking refuge in the country says that he and his comrades were trying to avoid hurting protesters by firing warning shots, but those who refused to open fire on protesters were shot dead.
"I've seen Iranians and Hezbollah operators giving instructions to shoot, and those who refused were immediately shot dead," the alleged fugitive Syrian soldier told NTV, adding that the soldiers were mostly shot from behind or in the neck.
The Turkish broadcaster has also claimed that Syrian forces have opened fire on unarmed civilians in al-Rastan.
"We opened fire on everyone, the young, the old... Women were raped in front of their husbands and children," the army defector told NTV.
Political analysts in Middle East affairs have accused Ankara of playing a double game -- claiming to support the Damascus government in order to have greater influence in the Middle East, while at the same time supporting and providing a safe haven for armed gangs seeking to incite revolt in Syria.
Iranian analyst Hadi Mohammadi says that the United States has now formed operational headquarters in southern Turkey close to the border with Syria to direct the riots in the Arab country after its attempts to cause unrest in southern Syria were unsuccessful.
Mohammadi said that the United States has assigned Turkey to carry out its anti-Syria plan. It has hence provided aid to the Turkish Army to assist Syrian dissidents in crossing into Turkey and settle in tent villages set up in Turkey's Hatay Province.
Meanwhile, a mass grave with bodies of at least 10 Syrian security forces was discovered near the northwestern town of Jisr al-Shughour on Monday.
Syria's state TV says the victims were killed by armed gangs and the bodies bore marks of torture.
Heavy clashes were reported as troops and tanks moved into the city on Sunday and gunmen targeted civilian areas including a hospital.
The government says it entered the town to restore order after some 120 security forces were killed there about a week ago. People in Jisr al-Shughour gathered to thank government troops for protecting them against the gunmen.
29:07
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[1] Die Reise der Tränen - موكب الاباء - Aftermath of Karbala - Arabic Sub German
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the...
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
More...
Description:
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
30:42
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[2] Die Reise der Tränen - موكب الاباء - Aftermath of Karbala - Arabic Sub German
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the...
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
More...
Description:
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
30:53
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[3] Die Reise der Tränen - موكب الاباء - Aftermath of Karbala - Arabic Sub German
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the...
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
More...
Description:
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
30:30
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[4] Die Reise der Tränen - موكب الاباء - Aftermath of Karbala - Arabic Sub German
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the...
The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
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The Caravan of Pride (Mawkeb-ul Abaa) is an eye-opening movie which skilfully portrays the heart wrenching series of events that unfolded after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. After the massacre which took place on the plains of Karbala, the remaining members of the Family of the Holy Prophet (saw), who were not killed in the war, were taken captive and paraded in a humiliating and degrading fashion from Kufa (Iraq) to Shaam (Syria).
After the Caravan were paraded through the most difficult of conditions, underwent the most excruciating pain and were afflicted with the greatest of torments, they were finally brought to Yazids Palace in Damascus, Syria. It was here, in the very stronghold of Yazid, that the light of Truth pierced through the dark veils of ignorance Satan had thrown over the eyes of the Muslim masses, it was here, under the eternally damned eyes of the tyrant Yazid, that Syeda Zainab, the daughter of the ever victorious Lion of Allah, Ali ibne abi-Talib, delivered a unparalleled, pivotal and crucial sermon which awoke the people of Damascus from their deep slumber of heedlessness and shook the foundation of the Umayyad Dynasty, sending it crumbling to the ground. It was here, that Imam Zain ul-Abideen, in such magnificent words of eloquence, informed the people of Damascus who exactly it was they were oppressing by telling them the relationship he holds with the Holy Prophet, his great grandfather. Thus was the revolution of Imam Hussain completed, a revolution against injustice, a revolution against tyranny, a revolution seeking honour over humiliation, truth over falsehood, courage over fright, righteousness over immorality, knowledge over ignorance, a revolution whose shockwaves continue to resonate thousands of years later, and a revolution, an eternal stand against corruption, which proves to be the source of inspiration for humanity at whole...
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[27 Oct 2013] OPCW: Syria submits plan to destroy chemical weapons - English
The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons says Syria has submitted a detailed plan to destroy its chemical arsenal on time.
The OPCW said in a statement that Damascus has handed...
The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons says Syria has submitted a detailed plan to destroy its chemical arsenal on time.
The OPCW said in a statement that Damascus has handed over its formal initial declaration covering its chemical weapons program. The declaration includes a general plan of destruction to be considered by the OPCW Executive Council. Damascus was required to submit the destruction plan under a US-Russian deal agreed last month. Syria has already handed over an inventory of its chemical weapons and international inspectors are probing its facilities. The team has until November 1 to inspect the chemical weapons arsenals declared by Damascus and supervise the destruction of the related facilities.
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The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons says Syria has submitted a detailed plan to destroy its chemical arsenal on time.
The OPCW said in a statement that Damascus has handed over its formal initial declaration covering its chemical weapons program. The declaration includes a general plan of destruction to be considered by the OPCW Executive Council. Damascus was required to submit the destruction plan under a US-Russian deal agreed last month. Syria has already handed over an inventory of its chemical weapons and international inspectors are probing its facilities. The team has until November 1 to inspect the chemical weapons arsenals declared by Damascus and supervise the destruction of the related facilities.
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[21 Jan 2014] Syrian army has seized weapons cache used by foreign backed militants - English
The Syrian army has seized a weapons and ammunition cache used by foreign-backed militants near the capital Damascus.
The arms cache was found in Darayya farms in the Damascus countryside. It...
The Syrian army has seized a weapons and ammunition cache used by foreign-backed militants near the capital Damascus.
The arms cache was found in Darayya farms in the Damascus countryside. It includes mortar launchers, machine guns, night vision goggles, and explosive devices. The Syrian army has seized large amounts of weapons from militants across the country, since the fighting began in 2011. Damascus says the militants receive the arms from some Western as well as regional countries namely Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey. The Syrian army is battling out the insurgents to push them out of the cities and other areas. It\'s managed to liberate key regions in recent months.
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The Syrian army has seized a weapons and ammunition cache used by foreign-backed militants near the capital Damascus.
The arms cache was found in Darayya farms in the Damascus countryside. It includes mortar launchers, machine guns, night vision goggles, and explosive devices. The Syrian army has seized large amounts of weapons from militants across the country, since the fighting began in 2011. Damascus says the militants receive the arms from some Western as well as regional countries namely Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey. The Syrian army is battling out the insurgents to push them out of the cities and other areas. It\'s managed to liberate key regions in recent months.
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[05 Feb 2014] Syria is committed to destroying its chemical weapons despite difficulties caused by war - English
Syria says it\'s committed to destroying its chemical weapons despite difficulties caused by the ongoing fighting with foreign-backed militants.
Deputy foreign minister, Faisal Meqdad says the...
Syria says it\'s committed to destroying its chemical weapons despite difficulties caused by the ongoing fighting with foreign-backed militants.
Deputy foreign minister, Faisal Meqdad says the difficulties may at times prevent Damascus from implementing some of its commitments. However, he says the government will fully turn over its chemical weapons by June, as required by the deal brokered by the US and Russia last year. Damascus has already met several deadlines in the process of destroying its chemical weapons so far. But, it has reportedly delayed the work twice. The US and Britain have criticized Syria for that, with Washington accusing Damascus of having a slow pace in moving the weapons abroad. Syria has rejected such claims and blamed the U-S for the delays because of its support for militants.
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Syria says it\'s committed to destroying its chemical weapons despite difficulties caused by the ongoing fighting with foreign-backed militants.
Deputy foreign minister, Faisal Meqdad says the difficulties may at times prevent Damascus from implementing some of its commitments. However, he says the government will fully turn over its chemical weapons by June, as required by the deal brokered by the US and Russia last year. Damascus has already met several deadlines in the process of destroying its chemical weapons so far. But, it has reportedly delayed the work twice. The US and Britain have criticized Syria for that, with Washington accusing Damascus of having a slow pace in moving the weapons abroad. Syria has rejected such claims and blamed the U-S for the delays because of its support for militants.
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[19 May 13] Syrian coalition welcomes peace initative for Syria - English
The coalition of peaceful change forces in Syria held a press conference in the Syrian capital Damascus, affirming the need to multiply efforts for bringing all Syrian sides together on the table...
The coalition of peaceful change forces in Syria held a press conference in the Syrian capital Damascus, affirming the need to multiply efforts for bringing all Syrian sides together on the table of dialogue. A number of political parties, movements and committees issued a statement and welcomed the Russian American initiative that calls for a political resolution of conflict. The coalition said a political solution should be based on ending violence by all sides, rejecting the militarization of the unrest. The Syrian government had also welcomed the agreement between Russia and the US on the basis that it seeks a political solution for the Syrian dilemma.
Mohamad Ali, Press TV, Damascus
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The coalition of peaceful change forces in Syria held a press conference in the Syrian capital Damascus, affirming the need to multiply efforts for bringing all Syrian sides together on the table of dialogue. A number of political parties, movements and committees issued a statement and welcomed the Russian American initiative that calls for a political resolution of conflict. The coalition said a political solution should be based on ending violence by all sides, rejecting the militarization of the unrest. The Syrian government had also welcomed the agreement between Russia and the US on the basis that it seeks a political solution for the Syrian dilemma.
Mohamad Ali, Press TV, Damascus
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[30 June 13] Fighting rages on between Takfiri insurgents, Syrian army - English
Fighting between Takfiri insurgents and the Syrian army rages on across the country. The army is making gains in the western province of Homs, in some eastern parts as well as in areas near the...
Fighting between Takfiri insurgents and the Syrian army rages on across the country. The army is making gains in the western province of Homs, in some eastern parts as well as in areas near the capital Damascus.
Press TV\'s Alaa Ebrahim reports from Damascus.
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Fighting between Takfiri insurgents and the Syrian army rages on across the country. The army is making gains in the western province of Homs, in some eastern parts as well as in areas near the capital Damascus.
Press TV\'s Alaa Ebrahim reports from Damascus.
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[07 July 13] Syrian armed forces make fresh headways in battles against insurgents - English
Syrian army victories against foreign-backed militants have become a fact nearly on a daily basis, especially in Damascus and its suburbs. Press TV team accompanied Syrian army units in parts of...
Syrian army victories against foreign-backed militants have become a fact nearly on a daily basis, especially in Damascus and its suburbs. Press TV team accompanied Syrian army units in parts of al-Qaboun area that have been cleared of the foreign-backed militants. The Army regained control over the main bus station in al-Qaboun where Syrians used to head to any other Syrian city. However, armed men, who occupied it for nearly two months, destroyed it completely. Syrian army units have managed to completely secure the 1.5 kilometer industrial zone in al-Qaboun area which links Barzeh, al-Qaboun and Jobar together. Army personnel underlined the strategic importance of the secured area.
Mohamad Ali, Press TV, Damascus
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Syrian army victories against foreign-backed militants have become a fact nearly on a daily basis, especially in Damascus and its suburbs. Press TV team accompanied Syrian army units in parts of al-Qaboun area that have been cleared of the foreign-backed militants. The Army regained control over the main bus station in al-Qaboun where Syrians used to head to any other Syrian city. However, armed men, who occupied it for nearly two months, destroyed it completely. Syrian army units have managed to completely secure the 1.5 kilometer industrial zone in al-Qaboun area which links Barzeh, al-Qaboun and Jobar together. Army personnel underlined the strategic importance of the secured area.
Mohamad Ali, Press TV, Damascus
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[23 Oct 2013] Number of Syrian refugees on the rise in Turkey - English
Around 200,000 Syrian refugees are currently living in camps through out Turkeys border regions. Turkey shares a 900 km border with Syria. It has been a staunch critic of the government in Damascus...
Around 200,000 Syrian refugees are currently living in camps through out Turkeys border regions. Turkey shares a 900 km border with Syria. It has been a staunch critic of the government in Damascus . Damascus on the other hand claims Turkey is the biggest perpetrator of the crimes taking place in their country.
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Around 200,000 Syrian refugees are currently living in camps through out Turkeys border regions. Turkey shares a 900 km border with Syria. It has been a staunch critic of the government in Damascus . Damascus on the other hand claims Turkey is the biggest perpetrator of the crimes taking place in their country.
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[23 Oct 2013] Explosion targets gas pipline feeding electricity stations in Syria - English
Large parts of Syria have plunged into darkness after a huge blast targeted the main gas pipeline feeding electricity stations south of the country.
The explosion caused massive but partial...
Large parts of Syria have plunged into darkness after a huge blast targeted the main gas pipeline feeding electricity stations south of the country.
The explosion caused massive but partial power outages in all Syrian governorates. The Electricity Ministry says technicians and workers are trying to fix the problem. Meanwhile, in the capital Damascus, mortar shells fired by foreign-backed insurgents killed at least two civilians. In another attack, a booby-trapped car went off near an army checkpoint at the entrance of the Dummar residential area in Damascus. The sound of an explosion was also heard near the main church in the area.
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Large parts of Syria have plunged into darkness after a huge blast targeted the main gas pipeline feeding electricity stations south of the country.
The explosion caused massive but partial power outages in all Syrian governorates. The Electricity Ministry says technicians and workers are trying to fix the problem. Meanwhile, in the capital Damascus, mortar shells fired by foreign-backed insurgents killed at least two civilians. In another attack, a booby-trapped car went off near an army checkpoint at the entrance of the Dummar residential area in Damascus. The sound of an explosion was also heard near the main church in the area.