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[12May2021] Detrás de la Razón: Israel prosigue su agresión mientras Palestina resiste - Spanish
“Al-Quds es una línea roja, el corazón y el alma de Palestina. No habrá paz, ni seguridad, ni estabilidad, excepto con su completa liberación”, así lo sentenció Mahmud Abás, el...
“Al-Quds es una línea roja, el corazón y el alma de Palestina. No habrá paz, ni seguridad, ni estabilidad, excepto con su completa liberación”, así lo sentenció Mahmud Abás, el presidente de Palestina, días atrás.
Una clara expresión del sentir del pueblo palestino sobre esa línea roja que ha sido pasada y vulnerada, en este caso por el régimen israelí, y que ha vuelto a llevar a una escalada bélica no vista desde hace años.
No sólo los territorios ocupados han sido vulnerados. La Franja de Gaza vuelve a sentir con fuerza los ataques aéreos y proyectiles de artillería, así como la intensificación del despliegue de tropas y tanques cerca del enclave palestino sitiado, desde el año 2007.
Para el premier israelí, Benjamín Netanyahu, el ataque proseguirá y con mucha fuerza, hasta restaurar lo que él considera es “la tranquilidad y seguridad de Israel”. A la par, aumentan los ataques de los extremistas israelíes contra los palestinos residentes en diferentes partes de los territorios ocupados.
Mientras tanto la resistencia Palestina toma represalia haciendo llover hasta la fecha, más de 2000 misiles y cohetes sobre los territorios ocupados.
Por lo pronto, el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU llevará a cabo el domingo una reunión virtual sobre la escalada en Palestina. Se espera que el “enviado de la ONU para Asia Occidental” y los representantes de Palestina y del régimen israelí, asistan al llamado.
¿Logrará conducir a un “alto el fuego” el Consejo de Seguridad, luego de que el miércoles pasado, EE.UU. echara para atrás un comunicado del grupo, sobre la situación en Palestina, pese a la voluntad de 14 de los 15 miembros?
Otro cuestionamiento que entra en este punto es sobre si Israel esta vez respetaría alguna resolución o llamado de los organismos internacionales, respecto a su accionar, cuando no lo ha hecho durante décadas.
En esta edición de Detrás de la Razón por Hispantv, pondremos el foco del debate junto a nuestros expertos en la materia, en esta escalada de tensiones y agresiones no vista a este nivel desde el año 2014 y si la situación podría marcar un punto de inflexión para terminar de poner un punto final a la ocupación israelí, y al sufrimiento de un pueblo que aún se mantiene en resistencia.
Por Danny Pérez Díaz.
More...
Description:
“Al-Quds es una línea roja, el corazón y el alma de Palestina. No habrá paz, ni seguridad, ni estabilidad, excepto con su completa liberación”, así lo sentenció Mahmud Abás, el presidente de Palestina, días atrás.
Una clara expresión del sentir del pueblo palestino sobre esa línea roja que ha sido pasada y vulnerada, en este caso por el régimen israelí, y que ha vuelto a llevar a una escalada bélica no vista desde hace años.
No sólo los territorios ocupados han sido vulnerados. La Franja de Gaza vuelve a sentir con fuerza los ataques aéreos y proyectiles de artillería, así como la intensificación del despliegue de tropas y tanques cerca del enclave palestino sitiado, desde el año 2007.
Para el premier israelí, Benjamín Netanyahu, el ataque proseguirá y con mucha fuerza, hasta restaurar lo que él considera es “la tranquilidad y seguridad de Israel”. A la par, aumentan los ataques de los extremistas israelíes contra los palestinos residentes en diferentes partes de los territorios ocupados.
Mientras tanto la resistencia Palestina toma represalia haciendo llover hasta la fecha, más de 2000 misiles y cohetes sobre los territorios ocupados.
Por lo pronto, el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU llevará a cabo el domingo una reunión virtual sobre la escalada en Palestina. Se espera que el “enviado de la ONU para Asia Occidental” y los representantes de Palestina y del régimen israelí, asistan al llamado.
¿Logrará conducir a un “alto el fuego” el Consejo de Seguridad, luego de que el miércoles pasado, EE.UU. echara para atrás un comunicado del grupo, sobre la situación en Palestina, pese a la voluntad de 14 de los 15 miembros?
Otro cuestionamiento que entra en este punto es sobre si Israel esta vez respetaría alguna resolución o llamado de los organismos internacionales, respecto a su accionar, cuando no lo ha hecho durante décadas.
En esta edición de Detrás de la Razón por Hispantv, pondremos el foco del debate junto a nuestros expertos en la materia, en esta escalada de tensiones y agresiones no vista a este nivel desde el año 2014 y si la situación podría marcar un punto de inflexión para terminar de poner un punto final a la ocupación israelí, y al sufrimiento de un pueblo que aún se mantiene en resistencia.
Por Danny Pérez Díaz.
President Ahmadinejad Interview Sept 08 with Democracy Now - Part 1 - English
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,...
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
President Ahmadinejad was interviewed recently in New York by Democracy Now
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Description:
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
President Ahmadinejad was interviewed recently in New York by Democracy Now
President Ahmadinejad Interview Sept 08 with Democracy Now - Part 2 - English
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,...
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
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Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
President Ahmadinejad Interview Sept 08 with Democracy Now - Part 3 - English
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,...
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
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Description:
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
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Shias in DI Khan Pakistan - Need Your Donations- Shaheed Foundation - All Languages
To present an overview of the sectarian terrorism being perpetrated by some hidden hands in D.I.Khan-the second most important city of N.W.F.P, ranked amongst the top sensitive cities of Pakistan...
To present an overview of the sectarian terrorism being perpetrated by some hidden hands in D.I.Khan-the second most important city of N.W.F.P, ranked amongst the top sensitive cities of Pakistan with regard to sectarian terrorism, to carry forward the agenda of sectarianism in Pakistan.
To bring the kind attention of the authorities towards the present precarious situation in D.I.Khan.
To awake the conscious of our community A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE ISSUE
Dera Ismail Khan- one of the southern District of North West Frontier Province of Pakistan, has become the slaughterhouse for the Shia community. The banned Sipah-e-Sahaba has indiscriminately killed dozens of innocent Shias including women and children. This also includes precious persons like Doctors, engineers, Professors, Businessmen in this Economically deprived District. So for 84 innocent people have embraced martyrdom. The irony of the fate is that none of the murderers of 84 innocent people have been brought to justice. Although the Police is well aware of the barbaric killers belonging to banned terrorist group Speha-e-Sahaba, yet there is a fear to take action against the terrorists who come in the day light openly & kill innocent civilians. The terrorists also threat the Judges and witnesses thereby influencing the fair trial. Due to fear of terrorists and failure of law enforcing agencies to bring the terrorists to justice in the past, the families of the murdered people even scare to lodge the FIR against the terrorists.
More...
Description:
To present an overview of the sectarian terrorism being perpetrated by some hidden hands in D.I.Khan-the second most important city of N.W.F.P, ranked amongst the top sensitive cities of Pakistan with regard to sectarian terrorism, to carry forward the agenda of sectarianism in Pakistan.
To bring the kind attention of the authorities towards the present precarious situation in D.I.Khan.
To awake the conscious of our community A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE ISSUE
Dera Ismail Khan- one of the southern District of North West Frontier Province of Pakistan, has become the slaughterhouse for the Shia community. The banned Sipah-e-Sahaba has indiscriminately killed dozens of innocent Shias including women and children. This also includes precious persons like Doctors, engineers, Professors, Businessmen in this Economically deprived District. So for 84 innocent people have embraced martyrdom. The irony of the fate is that none of the murderers of 84 innocent people have been brought to justice. Although the Police is well aware of the barbaric killers belonging to banned terrorist group Speha-e-Sahaba, yet there is a fear to take action against the terrorists who come in the day light openly & kill innocent civilians. The terrorists also threat the Judges and witnesses thereby influencing the fair trial. Due to fear of terrorists and failure of law enforcing agencies to bring the terrorists to justice in the past, the families of the murdered people even scare to lodge the FIR against the terrorists.
9:03
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Quiz de Tarikh 9 lecons 16 a 20 - francais French
Une seance de revision avec questions réponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan
Une seance de revision avec questions réponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan
8:53
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Quiz de Tarikh 9 lecons 16 a 20 2eme partie - francais French
Une seance de revision avec questions reponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan - 2eme partie
Une seance de revision avec questions reponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan - 2eme partie
9:52
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Quiz de Tarikh 9 lecons 16 a 20 3eme partie - francais French
Une seance de revision avec questions reponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan
Une seance de revision avec questions reponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan
7:19
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Quiz de Tarikh 9 lecons 16 a 20 4eme partie - francais French
Une seance de revision avec questions reponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan
Une seance de revision avec questions reponses sur les califats d'Osman et d'Imam Ali A.S. et sur les batailles de Jamal, Siffin et Nahrwan
4:17
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Habib ibne Mazahir _ francais
un film d animation sur Habib ibne Mazahir, l ami d Imam Housain
un film d animation sur Habib ibne Mazahir, l ami d Imam Housain
10:02
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Dua Ahad - Arabic sub Swedish
I introduktionen till Duaa \'Ahd i Mafatih al-Jinan rapporterar Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi(A) en hadith från Imam Jafar as-Sadiq(A) som säger att regelbunden läsning av denna duaa gör en värdig att...
I introduktionen till Duaa \'Ahd i Mafatih al-Jinan rapporterar Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi(A) en hadith från Imam Jafar as-Sadiq(A) som säger att regelbunden läsning av denna duaa gör en värdig att bli utvald som en kompanjon till Imam Mahdi(AJ) och nå hans närvaro.
Om du läser denna duaa i 40 påföljande dagar efter gryning bönen, kommer du Insha Allah att räknas som en av Imam Mahdis(AJ) medhjälpare och dör du innan Imam Mahdi(AJ) återkomst, kommer Allah att återuppväcka dig till liv igen så du kan hjälpa Imam(AJ) i sitt gudomliga uppdrag.
Utöver detta säger Imam Sadiq(A) att för varje ord som läses ur denna duaa ger den bedjande 1000 goda gärningar och förlåtelse för 1000 synder.
Ayatollah Tawasulli(HA) berättar att när han skulle läsa Duaa Adeelah ur Imam Khumaynis(A) \"Mafatih al-Jinan\" i och med hans bortgång, märkte han att Imam Khumayni(A) hade markerat en duaa bland alla andra i innehållsförteckningen.
När han tittade närmare såg han att det var Duaa \'Ahd, vilket borde visa hur pass viktig denna duaa är. Givetvis måste det nämnas att vägen till att nå en sån närhet till Imam Mahdi(AJ) är inte endast genom att tomt läsa orden varje morgon, utan man måste ärligt åkalla Allah från botten av hjärtat och därefter handla efter sina ord.
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Description:
I introduktionen till Duaa \'Ahd i Mafatih al-Jinan rapporterar Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi(A) en hadith från Imam Jafar as-Sadiq(A) som säger att regelbunden läsning av denna duaa gör en värdig att bli utvald som en kompanjon till Imam Mahdi(AJ) och nå hans närvaro.
Om du läser denna duaa i 40 påföljande dagar efter gryning bönen, kommer du Insha Allah att räknas som en av Imam Mahdis(AJ) medhjälpare och dör du innan Imam Mahdi(AJ) återkomst, kommer Allah att återuppväcka dig till liv igen så du kan hjälpa Imam(AJ) i sitt gudomliga uppdrag.
Utöver detta säger Imam Sadiq(A) att för varje ord som läses ur denna duaa ger den bedjande 1000 goda gärningar och förlåtelse för 1000 synder.
Ayatollah Tawasulli(HA) berättar att när han skulle läsa Duaa Adeelah ur Imam Khumaynis(A) \"Mafatih al-Jinan\" i och med hans bortgång, märkte han att Imam Khumayni(A) hade markerat en duaa bland alla andra i innehållsförteckningen.
När han tittade närmare såg han att det var Duaa \'Ahd, vilket borde visa hur pass viktig denna duaa är. Givetvis måste det nämnas att vägen till att nå en sån närhet till Imam Mahdi(AJ) är inte endast genom att tomt läsa orden varje morgon, utan man måste ärligt åkalla Allah från botten av hjärtat och därefter handla efter sina ord.
Iran unveils home-built combat drone "Karrar" - 22Aug2010 - English
Iran unveils home-built combat drone, Iran unveils its first domestically-manufactured long-range Unmanned Aerial Vehicle UAV in a ceremony marking Defense Industry Day in the country.
The...
Iran unveils home-built combat drone, Iran unveils its first domestically-manufactured long-range Unmanned Aerial Vehicle UAV in a ceremony marking Defense Industry Day in the country.
The unveiling of the home-made drone, named Karrar took place in the presence of Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and a number of defense officials.
The Karrar UAV is capable of carrying a military payload of rockets to carry out bombing missions against ground targets. It is also capable of flying long distances at a very high speed.
Iran's defense industries have demonstrated spectacular progress in the recent year, launching numerous domestically-built armaments, including aerial and sea-borne military vehicles such as submarines, combat frigates, and various types of missiles.
Iran inaugurated the production line of two domistically-built UAVs with bombing and reconnaissance capabilities.
The two hi-tech drones named 'Ra'd' (Thunder) and 'Nazir' (Harbinger) are capable of performing long-range reconnaissance, patrolling, assault and bombing missions with high precision.
Ra'd, a UAV especially designed for assault and bombing missions, has the capability to destroy specific targets with high precision.
Tehran established an arms development program during the 1980-88 war that Iraq waged against Iran to counter the weapons embargo imposed on it by the US and its Western allies. Since 1992, Iran has manufactured its own tanks, armored personnel carriers, missiles and fighter planes.
Iran successfully tested a home-made radar-evading UAV with bombing capabilities in June 2009.
In 2008, the Islamic Republic's Defense Industries launched production lines of two home-built fighter jets, namely Saeqeh (Thunderbolt) and Azarakhsh (Lightening).
More...
Description:
Iran unveils home-built combat drone, Iran unveils its first domestically-manufactured long-range Unmanned Aerial Vehicle UAV in a ceremony marking Defense Industry Day in the country.
The unveiling of the home-made drone, named Karrar took place in the presence of Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and a number of defense officials.
The Karrar UAV is capable of carrying a military payload of rockets to carry out bombing missions against ground targets. It is also capable of flying long distances at a very high speed.
Iran's defense industries have demonstrated spectacular progress in the recent year, launching numerous domestically-built armaments, including aerial and sea-borne military vehicles such as submarines, combat frigates, and various types of missiles.
Iran inaugurated the production line of two domistically-built UAVs with bombing and reconnaissance capabilities.
The two hi-tech drones named 'Ra'd' (Thunder) and 'Nazir' (Harbinger) are capable of performing long-range reconnaissance, patrolling, assault and bombing missions with high precision.
Ra'd, a UAV especially designed for assault and bombing missions, has the capability to destroy specific targets with high precision.
Tehran established an arms development program during the 1980-88 war that Iraq waged against Iran to counter the weapons embargo imposed on it by the US and its Western allies. Since 1992, Iran has manufactured its own tanks, armored personnel carriers, missiles and fighter planes.
Iran successfully tested a home-made radar-evading UAV with bombing capabilities in June 2009.
In 2008, the Islamic Republic's Defense Industries launched production lines of two home-built fighter jets, namely Saeqeh (Thunderbolt) and Azarakhsh (Lightening).
2:26
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Aliu (a.s) (Fragment nga - Po vëlla ashtu ishte - Dr Ali Sheriati) - Albanian
Fragment nga vepra e Shehid Dr. Ali Sheriatit, "Po vella ashtu ishte" eshte projekt i pare fetare ne gjuhen shqipe ne formen e audio projektit per se pari here e publikuar ne 1997 ne...
Fragment nga vepra e Shehid Dr. Ali Sheriatit, "Po vella ashtu ishte" eshte projekt i pare fetare ne gjuhen shqipe ne formen e audio projektit per se pari here e publikuar ne 1997 ne Tetove nga Sh.B. "Rumi" - Tetove. Perndryshe tekstin e ka perkthyer intelektuali dhe poeti i njohur tetovar, i ndjeri z. Abdylaziz Islami per revisten kulturore islame - Revista "Nur" ne vitin1995.
Teksti i prezantuar:
"...Sido që te jetë, përpara meje, me shpatat e tyre ata në mitirab e sakrifikuan një njeri tjetër të shtypur
- Alinë (s).
Vëlla, ai dhe të gjithë ata që i janë besnikë atij, i përkasin racës sonë të përvuajtur. Ai e përdori bukurinë e fjalëve që të na flasë për shpëtimin dhe pikëllimin tonë. Për herë te parë ai foli për bukurinë, jo për ta shpjeguar varfërinë e për t'u përleshur me fuqitë, por për shpëtimin dhe vetëdijen tonë. Ai foli më bukur se Demosteni, jo për t'i fituar të drejtat e tij, por për të drejtat tona. Ai foli më bukur se folësi i Luit të 11-të, por jo ne oborrin mbretëor; ai klithi për të gjithë njerëzit e shtypur e kundër te fortëve. Nuk e përdori shpatën e tij që ta mbrojë vetveten, familjen e tij, racën apo vendin e tij, por që t'i mundë të fuqishmit. Atë e përdori më mirë se Spartaku dhe me një sinqeritet që s'e kemi njohur më parë.
Ai mendonte më mirë se Sokrati, por jo për t'i dëshmuar virtytet bujare morale që për skllevërit ishin të ndaluara, por për t'i dëshmuar vlerat e njeriut që për ne kanë domethënie të madhe; ai nuk është trashëgimtar i mbretit, i faraonit apo i priftit të Magit. Ai nuk ka për vete as mihrab e as xhami. Ai e sakrifikoi veten për altarët tanë."
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Description:
Fragment nga vepra e Shehid Dr. Ali Sheriatit, "Po vella ashtu ishte" eshte projekt i pare fetare ne gjuhen shqipe ne formen e audio projektit per se pari here e publikuar ne 1997 ne Tetove nga Sh.B. "Rumi" - Tetove. Perndryshe tekstin e ka perkthyer intelektuali dhe poeti i njohur tetovar, i ndjeri z. Abdylaziz Islami per revisten kulturore islame - Revista "Nur" ne vitin1995.
Teksti i prezantuar:
"...Sido që te jetë, përpara meje, me shpatat e tyre ata në mitirab e sakrifikuan një njeri tjetër të shtypur
- Alinë (s).
Vëlla, ai dhe të gjithë ata që i janë besnikë atij, i përkasin racës sonë të përvuajtur. Ai e përdori bukurinë e fjalëve që të na flasë për shpëtimin dhe pikëllimin tonë. Për herë te parë ai foli për bukurinë, jo për ta shpjeguar varfërinë e për t'u përleshur me fuqitë, por për shpëtimin dhe vetëdijen tonë. Ai foli më bukur se Demosteni, jo për t'i fituar të drejtat e tij, por për të drejtat tona. Ai foli më bukur se folësi i Luit të 11-të, por jo ne oborrin mbretëor; ai klithi për të gjithë njerëzit e shtypur e kundër te fortëve. Nuk e përdori shpatën e tij që ta mbrojë vetveten, familjen e tij, racën apo vendin e tij, por që t'i mundë të fuqishmit. Atë e përdori më mirë se Spartaku dhe me një sinqeritet që s'e kemi njohur më parë.
Ai mendonte më mirë se Sokrati, por jo për t'i dëshmuar virtytet bujare morale që për skllevërit ishin të ndaluara, por për t'i dëshmuar vlerat e njeriut që për ne kanë domethënie të madhe; ai nuk është trashëgimtar i mbretit, i faraonit apo i priftit të Magit. Ai nuk ka për vete as mihrab e as xhami. Ai e sakrifikoi veten për altarët tanë."
3:59
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Melodia e Mukhtarit - Mokhtarnameh [ Albanian]
El-Muhtar es Sakafi ose Hakmarrësi i Hysejnit (a), ka lindur në Ta'if, Provinca në Mekë, në Arabinë Saudite në 622 er, viti 1 H, viti kur profeti filloi Migracionin në Medinë....
El-Muhtar es Sakafi ose Hakmarrësi i Hysejnit (a), ka lindur në Ta'if, Provinca në Mekë, në Arabinë Saudite në 622 er, viti 1 H, viti kur profeti filloi Migracionin në Medinë. Gjatë Kalifatit të Umerit ai shkoi në Medine së bashku me babain e tij . Ai ishte bir i një dëshmori në betejën e Javmul Haxher, dhe u rrit në Medine, përgjatë se ai ishte nën sundimin e Muhamedit (s).
Kur Jezid I, i treti Kalif umajad, mori pushtetin në 683, një numër i madh i myslimanëve ishin të pakënaqur me qeverinë e tij dh e shihnin si uzurpatorë i të drejtave dhe si sundues tiran.
Kryengritje e cila shpërtheu në 686 er u mbështet nga fraksioni Shiit i myslimanëve. El-Muhtar ka udhëhequr
rebelimin, i cili ishte nisur nga Kufe, në Irakun e sotëm. Thuhet se ai ishte rebeluar në emër të djalit të Imam Hysejnit, Ali ibn Zejn el Abidin (a), pasi Hysejni u martirizua në Karbala nga ushtria e Jezidit. El-Muhtar ishte në burg kur u zhvillua tragjedia e Qerbelasë. Pasi që ishte në burg, ai u informua më shumë për atë që ndodhi në Karbala në burgun dhe vendosi të marrë hak për vdekjen e birit të Aliut të madh dhe nipit të profetit (a).
El-Muhtar ka kapur shumë nga njerëzit që vranë Hysejnin (a) dhe shokët e tij në tragjedinë e Qerbelasë, por u vra më vonë nga forcat nën komandën e Mus'ab ibn el-Zubejr në Kufa në prill 687, dhe shumë nga pasuesit e tij u vranë në represionet e mëvonshme.
Pjesa më e madhe e besimit dhe në përputhje me të dhënat është se lufta e Al-Muhtar nuk ishte një revolucion për pushtet dhe se ishte vetëm për t'u hakmarrë për shtypjen dhe vrasjen e Familjes së Muhammedit (a). Ai gjeti dhe vrau njerëzit që kishin vrarë apo ndihmuar në vrasjen e familjes së Muhammedit. Në momentin që ai ishte gati për t'u dënuar dhe vrarë nga një guvernator i Jezidit, ai tha se ai nuk e ka mbaruar një detyrë të cilën Aliu a.s. ia kishte thënë se askush nuk mund ta vras pa e kryer hakmarrjen.
Varrin e-Muhtar el mund të gjendet brenda xhaminë el-Kufa në Kufa, Irak. [1]
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Description:
El-Muhtar es Sakafi ose Hakmarrësi i Hysejnit (a), ka lindur në Ta'if, Provinca në Mekë, në Arabinë Saudite në 622 er, viti 1 H, viti kur profeti filloi Migracionin në Medinë. Gjatë Kalifatit të Umerit ai shkoi në Medine së bashku me babain e tij . Ai ishte bir i një dëshmori në betejën e Javmul Haxher, dhe u rrit në Medine, përgjatë se ai ishte nën sundimin e Muhamedit (s).
Kur Jezid I, i treti Kalif umajad, mori pushtetin në 683, një numër i madh i myslimanëve ishin të pakënaqur me qeverinë e tij dh e shihnin si uzurpatorë i të drejtave dhe si sundues tiran.
Kryengritje e cila shpërtheu në 686 er u mbështet nga fraksioni Shiit i myslimanëve. El-Muhtar ka udhëhequr
rebelimin, i cili ishte nisur nga Kufe, në Irakun e sotëm. Thuhet se ai ishte rebeluar në emër të djalit të Imam Hysejnit, Ali ibn Zejn el Abidin (a), pasi Hysejni u martirizua në Karbala nga ushtria e Jezidit. El-Muhtar ishte në burg kur u zhvillua tragjedia e Qerbelasë. Pasi që ishte në burg, ai u informua më shumë për atë që ndodhi në Karbala në burgun dhe vendosi të marrë hak për vdekjen e birit të Aliut të madh dhe nipit të profetit (a).
El-Muhtar ka kapur shumë nga njerëzit që vranë Hysejnin (a) dhe shokët e tij në tragjedinë e Qerbelasë, por u vra më vonë nga forcat nën komandën e Mus'ab ibn el-Zubejr në Kufa në prill 687, dhe shumë nga pasuesit e tij u vranë në represionet e mëvonshme.
Pjesa më e madhe e besimit dhe në përputhje me të dhënat është se lufta e Al-Muhtar nuk ishte një revolucion për pushtet dhe se ishte vetëm për t'u hakmarrë për shtypjen dhe vrasjen e Familjes së Muhammedit (a). Ai gjeti dhe vrau njerëzit që kishin vrarë apo ndihmuar në vrasjen e familjes së Muhammedit. Në momentin që ai ishte gati për t'u dënuar dhe vrarë nga një guvernator i Jezidit, ai tha se ai nuk e ka mbaruar një detyrë të cilën Aliu a.s. ia kishte thënë se askush nuk mund ta vras pa e kryer hakmarrjen.
Varrin e-Muhtar el mund të gjendet brenda xhaminë el-Kufa në Kufa, Irak. [1]
Sayyed Jawwad Naqvi - Islamic Awakening - اسلامی بیداری از نظر رهبر معظم - Urdu
Sayyed Jawwad Naqvi - Islamic Awakening - اسلامی بیداری از نظر رهبر معظم - Urdu
Seminar held in at Bhojani hall Karachi on 17th October 2011
HIGHLIGHTS:
TODAY: Islam...
Sayyed Jawwad Naqvi - Islamic Awakening - اسلامی بیداری از نظر رهبر معظم - Urdu
Seminar held in at Bhojani hall Karachi on 17th October 2011
HIGHLIGHTS:
TODAY: Islam (Islame Naab e Muhammadi) VS Imperialism (in the cloak of "Democracy")
TODAY: Exportation of Islamic Revolution VS Exportation of Democracy.
Listen around 48 minutes. What is the difference between a "Rahber" and a "Analyst".
"Mujtahideen e Imperialism" are struggling to export Imperialism (in the cloak of "Democracy") throughout the world. "Mujtahideen e Islam" must practically struggle to export Islamic Revolution throughout the world.
Purpose of Islamic Awakening Conference by Islamic Republic was to make these movements throughout Middle East: (1) Islamic (2) Public (Awami: Not controlled by fake leaders) (3) Global (Alami: Not isolated and regional)
Summay of Rahber's speech: (1) Give direction to these movements. (2) Identify threats to these movements. (3) How to protect these movements from these threats.
Expansion of Point (1) below, i.e. DIRECTION. (a) People from all walks of life should get involved, i.e. workers, farmers, working professionals etc. (b) Define transparent and clear goals. (c) Give ideologically clear slogans. (d) Recognize your enemy. (e) Future roadmap should be clearly communicated to all the involved.
(f) Be careful of the dignitaries and prominent figures in these movements. (g) Be vigilant of the infiltrators. (h) Stay optimistic, persistent, don't get tired. (i) Demands must be crafted carefully (e.g. not for jobs & salaries). (j) Be ready for sacrifice. (k) Public and public leaders create their own guideline for these movements based on Islam.
(l) First and foremost goal of these movements should be to revive the lost dignity of Muslims and Islam. Second, continue till pure Islamic system is not installed in your areas. Third, resistance against America. Forth, hatred of israel. Fifth, unity amongst Muslims and other countries.
Expansion of Point (2) below, i.e. THREATS. (a) Internal Threats. (b) External Threats.
Internal threats: (i) Wrongly considering that the mission is accomplished when a dictator falls. This is a major milestone but not the goal. (ii) Prominent figures and dignitaries are sometimes a threat. Listen to understand :) (iii) Don't get deceived by the smiles of enemy. Enemy is deceptive. (iv) Don't start celebrating small achievements. (v) Internal conflicts and disagreements.
External threats: (i) Enemies have puppet revolutionaries ready to hijack movements. (ii) Enemies have ready-made constitutions and manifesto for your successful movements. (iii) Enemies want to distract your attention from core and primary issues to secondary issues. (iv) Don't get deceived by a different face same policies leadership.
(v) Enemies will create disappointment and lack of confidence among you. (vi) Enemies will target your leadership. Must protect those who lead from the front. (vii) Sectarianism. (viii) Media war.
Expansion of Point (3) below, i.e. SOLUTION. (a) Rely on ALLAH. (b) Trust in divine help. (c) Stay optimistic, determined, and ready for sacrifice. (d) Repeats real goals and slogans of the movement. (e) Strictly avoid all kinds of nationalism, tribe-ism, language-ism etc. (f) Beware of the hijackers of the movements (they use slogans sometimes).
(g) America and NATO will come to "help" you. Reject them! (h) Don't trust ready-made manifestos, constitution, and recipes "others" have for you. Evaluate them with doubt. (i) Accept minority right and rights of other denominations living in the country. (j) Avoid Liberalism, Nationalism, Marxism, Socialism, and "so-called" Democracy (Imperialism)
(k) Hold tight to Muslim Unity and Akhlaq e Islami (Islamic morals, ethics, and values). (l) Make Freedom of Palestine one of your leading slogans.
More...
Description:
Sayyed Jawwad Naqvi - Islamic Awakening - اسلامی بیداری از نظر رهبر معظم - Urdu
Seminar held in at Bhojani hall Karachi on 17th October 2011
HIGHLIGHTS:
TODAY: Islam (Islame Naab e Muhammadi) VS Imperialism (in the cloak of "Democracy")
TODAY: Exportation of Islamic Revolution VS Exportation of Democracy.
Listen around 48 minutes. What is the difference between a "Rahber" and a "Analyst".
"Mujtahideen e Imperialism" are struggling to export Imperialism (in the cloak of "Democracy") throughout the world. "Mujtahideen e Islam" must practically struggle to export Islamic Revolution throughout the world.
Purpose of Islamic Awakening Conference by Islamic Republic was to make these movements throughout Middle East: (1) Islamic (2) Public (Awami: Not controlled by fake leaders) (3) Global (Alami: Not isolated and regional)
Summay of Rahber's speech: (1) Give direction to these movements. (2) Identify threats to these movements. (3) How to protect these movements from these threats.
Expansion of Point (1) below, i.e. DIRECTION. (a) People from all walks of life should get involved, i.e. workers, farmers, working professionals etc. (b) Define transparent and clear goals. (c) Give ideologically clear slogans. (d) Recognize your enemy. (e) Future roadmap should be clearly communicated to all the involved.
(f) Be careful of the dignitaries and prominent figures in these movements. (g) Be vigilant of the infiltrators. (h) Stay optimistic, persistent, don't get tired. (i) Demands must be crafted carefully (e.g. not for jobs & salaries). (j) Be ready for sacrifice. (k) Public and public leaders create their own guideline for these movements based on Islam.
(l) First and foremost goal of these movements should be to revive the lost dignity of Muslims and Islam. Second, continue till pure Islamic system is not installed in your areas. Third, resistance against America. Forth, hatred of israel. Fifth, unity amongst Muslims and other countries.
Expansion of Point (2) below, i.e. THREATS. (a) Internal Threats. (b) External Threats.
Internal threats: (i) Wrongly considering that the mission is accomplished when a dictator falls. This is a major milestone but not the goal. (ii) Prominent figures and dignitaries are sometimes a threat. Listen to understand :) (iii) Don't get deceived by the smiles of enemy. Enemy is deceptive. (iv) Don't start celebrating small achievements. (v) Internal conflicts and disagreements.
External threats: (i) Enemies have puppet revolutionaries ready to hijack movements. (ii) Enemies have ready-made constitutions and manifesto for your successful movements. (iii) Enemies want to distract your attention from core and primary issues to secondary issues. (iv) Don't get deceived by a different face same policies leadership.
(v) Enemies will create disappointment and lack of confidence among you. (vi) Enemies will target your leadership. Must protect those who lead from the front. (vii) Sectarianism. (viii) Media war.
Expansion of Point (3) below, i.e. SOLUTION. (a) Rely on ALLAH. (b) Trust in divine help. (c) Stay optimistic, determined, and ready for sacrifice. (d) Repeats real goals and slogans of the movement. (e) Strictly avoid all kinds of nationalism, tribe-ism, language-ism etc. (f) Beware of the hijackers of the movements (they use slogans sometimes).
(g) America and NATO will come to "help" you. Reject them! (h) Don't trust ready-made manifestos, constitution, and recipes "others" have for you. Evaluate them with doubt. (i) Accept minority right and rights of other denominations living in the country. (j) Avoid Liberalism, Nationalism, Marxism, Socialism, and "so-called" Democracy (Imperialism)
(k) Hold tight to Muslim Unity and Akhlaq e Islami (Islamic morals, ethics, and values). (l) Make Freedom of Palestine one of your leading slogans.
48:19
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[1] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 1 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
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Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
41:52
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[2] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 2 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
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Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
41:49
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[3] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 3 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
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Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
40:02
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[4] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 4 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
More...
Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
39:38
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[5] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 5 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
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Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
40:14
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[6] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 6 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
More...
Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
40:14
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[7] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 7 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
More...
Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
40:55
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[8] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 8 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
More...
Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
38:35
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[9] Sista inbjudan (Akharin Davat) - Avsnitt 9 - Farsi sub Swedish
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att...
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
More...
Description:
Denna serie återberättar historien om en man vid namn Yusuf Zamanifar och som är universitetslektor. Han var före detta riksdagsledamot. Zamanifar reser till sin hemstad i västra Iran för att leta efter vissa dokument. Där drabbas han av en händelse och vaknar sedan upp i öknen i närheten av Kufa tillbaka i tiden år 61 e.H. Ashuras händelse var då nära att inträffa....
5:59
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Etre juste - Francais
Pourquoi est-ce important d�etre juste ? Que devrions-nous faire pour juger d�un differend entre deux parties ?
Pourquoi est-ce important d�etre juste ? Que devrions-nous faire pour juger d�un differend entre deux parties ?
Video Tags:
Juste,
equite,
justice,
cas,
differend,
juge,
arbitre,
Imam
Ali,
Saint-Prophete,
Mouhammad,
Quran,
Coran,
equitable,
jugement,
bien,
mal,
famille,
ami,
hypocrite,
jour
du
jugement,
Qiyamat,
akhlaq
18:42
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[2] Movie - Histoires de Martyrs - Farsi sub Arabic sub French
Les Martyrs sont toujours vivants.
Deux journalistes sont tombés martyrs lors de leurs investigations pour le montage d'un documentaire. Ce dernier portait sur la recherche de corps de soldats...
Les Martyrs sont toujours vivants.
Deux journalistes sont tombés martyrs lors de leurs investigations pour le montage d'un documentaire. Ce dernier portait sur la recherche de corps de soldats iraniens, tombés sur les champs d'honneur.
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Description:
Les Martyrs sont toujours vivants.
Deux journalistes sont tombés martyrs lors de leurs investigations pour le montage d'un documentaire. Ce dernier portait sur la recherche de corps de soldats iraniens, tombés sur les champs d'honneur.
2:25
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Das Märtyrium von Said ibn Abdullah und Zuhayr ibn Qain - Arabic
Said ibn Abdullah al-Hanafi und Zuhair ibn Qain waren zwei Gefährten von Imam Husain (a.) in Kerbela am Tage Aschura.
Als die Zeit des Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] heranrückte, waren...
Said ibn Abdullah al-Hanafi und Zuhair ibn Qain waren zwei Gefährten von Imam Husain (a.) in Kerbela am Tage Aschura.
Als die Zeit des Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] heranrückte, waren bereits die meisten Gefährte Imam Husains (a.) Märtyrer geworden. Zu der Zeit waren nur noch ungefähr fünfzehn Gefährten außer den etwa achtzehn Familienangehörigen des Imam übrig. Diese 33 standen auf, um das Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] zu verrichten und Imam Husain (a.) stand vor ihnen um das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet [salat-ul-dschami] zu leiten.
In diesem Augenblick fing der Feind an, Pfeile auf sie abzuschießen. Zwei Gefährten traten vor und flehten Imam Husain (a.) an, sich als Schutzschild vor ihn stellen zu dürfen. Sie bestanden darauf und letztendlich erteilte Imam Husain (a.) die Erlaubnis dazu.
Diese beiden mutigen Männer waren Said ibn Abdullah und Zuhair ibn Qain. Sie verrichteten ihr Ritualgebet zuerst und als Imam Husain (a.) das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet begann, stellten sie sich vor ihn. Jedes Mal als ein Pfeil auf den Imam abgeschossen wurde, warfen sie ihren Körper nach vorn um den Pfeil so abzufangen und den Imam davor zu bewahren.
Als das Gebet fertig war, hatten nach verschiedenen Überlieferungen achtunddreißig Pfeile Zuhair ibn Qain und zweiundfünfzig Said ibn Abdullah getroffen; andere Zahlen sind geringer. Es war der bloße Wille dem Imam und dem Islam zu dienen, der sie am Leben erhielt. Als Imam Husain (a.) den Abschlussgruß [salam] rezitierte, fielen diese beiden großen Helden Kerbelas.
Als Imam Hussain zu ihnen ging, sprach er: "Meine Freunde, ihr habt euer Leben für etwas gelassen, was Allah am Liebsten ist, dem Ritualgebet!"
http://www.eslam.de/begriffe/s/said_ibn_abdullah.htm
Zuhair ibn Qain al-Bidschli und Said ibn Abdullah waren zwei Gefährten von Imam Husain (a.) in Kerbela am Tage Aschura.
Er ist ein Cousin von Salman ibn Mazarib ibn Qais. Sie waren beide von Kufa nach Mekka gekommen. Und als auf dem Rückweg Zuhair ibn Qain sich Imam Husain (a.) anschließen wollte, schloss sich Salman auch an.
Zuhair hatte sich vormals ursprünglich Umar ibn Chatab angeschlossen. Als er aber nach seiner Pilgerfahrt [hadsch] Imam Husain (a.) traf, schloss er sich ihm an. Er erkannte sehr früh den Charakter der bevorstehenden Reise und soll seine Frau Dalham bint Amru mittels Scheidung frei gegeben und sie in ihre Heimat geschickt haben.
Als die Zeit des Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] heranrückte, waren bereits die meisten Gefährten Imam Husains (a.) Märtyrer geworden. Zu der Zeit waren nur noch ungefähr fünfzehn Gefährten außer den etwa achtzehn Familienangehörigen des Imam übrig. Diese 33 standen auf, um das Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] zu verrichten und Imam Husain (a.) stand vor ihnen, um das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet [salat-ul-dschami] zu leiten.
In diesem Augenblick fing der Feind an, Pfeile auf sie abzuschießen. Zwei Gefährten traten vor und flehten Imam Husain (a.) an, sich als Schutzschild vor ihn stellen zu dürfen. Sie bestanden darauf und letztendlich erteilte Imam Husain (a.) die Erlaubnis dazu.
Diese beiden mutigen Männer waren Zuhair Ibn Qain und Said ibn Abdullah. Sie verrichteten ihr Ritualgebet zuerst und als Imam Husain (a.) das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet begann, stellten sie sich vor ihn. Jedes Mal als ein Pfeil auf den Imam abgeschossen wurde, warfen sie ihren Körper nach vorn, um den Pfeil so abzufangen und den Imam davor zu bewahren.
Als das Gebet fertig war, hatten nach verschiedenen Überlieferungen achtunddreißig Pfeile Zuhair ibn Qain und zweiundfünfzig Said ibn Abdullah getroffen; andere Zahlen sind geringer. Es war der bloße Wille dem Imam und dem Islam zu dienen, der sie am Leben erhielt. Als Imam Husain (a.) den Abschlussgruß [salam] rezitierte, fielen diese beiden großen Helden Kerbelas.
Als Imam Hussain zu ihnen ging, sprach er: "Meine Freunde, ihr habt euer Leben für etwas gelassen, was Allah am Liebsten ist, dem Ritualgebet!"
http://www.eslam.de/begriffe/z/zuhair_ibn_qain.htm
More...
Description:
Said ibn Abdullah al-Hanafi und Zuhair ibn Qain waren zwei Gefährten von Imam Husain (a.) in Kerbela am Tage Aschura.
Als die Zeit des Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] heranrückte, waren bereits die meisten Gefährte Imam Husains (a.) Märtyrer geworden. Zu der Zeit waren nur noch ungefähr fünfzehn Gefährten außer den etwa achtzehn Familienangehörigen des Imam übrig. Diese 33 standen auf, um das Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] zu verrichten und Imam Husain (a.) stand vor ihnen um das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet [salat-ul-dschami] zu leiten.
In diesem Augenblick fing der Feind an, Pfeile auf sie abzuschießen. Zwei Gefährten traten vor und flehten Imam Husain (a.) an, sich als Schutzschild vor ihn stellen zu dürfen. Sie bestanden darauf und letztendlich erteilte Imam Husain (a.) die Erlaubnis dazu.
Diese beiden mutigen Männer waren Said ibn Abdullah und Zuhair ibn Qain. Sie verrichteten ihr Ritualgebet zuerst und als Imam Husain (a.) das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet begann, stellten sie sich vor ihn. Jedes Mal als ein Pfeil auf den Imam abgeschossen wurde, warfen sie ihren Körper nach vorn um den Pfeil so abzufangen und den Imam davor zu bewahren.
Als das Gebet fertig war, hatten nach verschiedenen Überlieferungen achtunddreißig Pfeile Zuhair ibn Qain und zweiundfünfzig Said ibn Abdullah getroffen; andere Zahlen sind geringer. Es war der bloße Wille dem Imam und dem Islam zu dienen, der sie am Leben erhielt. Als Imam Husain (a.) den Abschlussgruß [salam] rezitierte, fielen diese beiden großen Helden Kerbelas.
Als Imam Hussain zu ihnen ging, sprach er: "Meine Freunde, ihr habt euer Leben für etwas gelassen, was Allah am Liebsten ist, dem Ritualgebet!"
http://www.eslam.de/begriffe/s/said_ibn_abdullah.htm
Zuhair ibn Qain al-Bidschli und Said ibn Abdullah waren zwei Gefährten von Imam Husain (a.) in Kerbela am Tage Aschura.
Er ist ein Cousin von Salman ibn Mazarib ibn Qais. Sie waren beide von Kufa nach Mekka gekommen. Und als auf dem Rückweg Zuhair ibn Qain sich Imam Husain (a.) anschließen wollte, schloss sich Salman auch an.
Zuhair hatte sich vormals ursprünglich Umar ibn Chatab angeschlossen. Als er aber nach seiner Pilgerfahrt [hadsch] Imam Husain (a.) traf, schloss er sich ihm an. Er erkannte sehr früh den Charakter der bevorstehenden Reise und soll seine Frau Dalham bint Amru mittels Scheidung frei gegeben und sie in ihre Heimat geschickt haben.
Als die Zeit des Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] heranrückte, waren bereits die meisten Gefährten Imam Husains (a.) Märtyrer geworden. Zu der Zeit waren nur noch ungefähr fünfzehn Gefährten außer den etwa achtzehn Familienangehörigen des Imam übrig. Diese 33 standen auf, um das Mittagsgebet [salat-uz-zuhr] zu verrichten und Imam Husain (a.) stand vor ihnen, um das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet [salat-ul-dschami] zu leiten.
In diesem Augenblick fing der Feind an, Pfeile auf sie abzuschießen. Zwei Gefährten traten vor und flehten Imam Husain (a.) an, sich als Schutzschild vor ihn stellen zu dürfen. Sie bestanden darauf und letztendlich erteilte Imam Husain (a.) die Erlaubnis dazu.
Diese beiden mutigen Männer waren Zuhair Ibn Qain und Said ibn Abdullah. Sie verrichteten ihr Ritualgebet zuerst und als Imam Husain (a.) das Gemeinschaftsritualgebet begann, stellten sie sich vor ihn. Jedes Mal als ein Pfeil auf den Imam abgeschossen wurde, warfen sie ihren Körper nach vorn, um den Pfeil so abzufangen und den Imam davor zu bewahren.
Als das Gebet fertig war, hatten nach verschiedenen Überlieferungen achtunddreißig Pfeile Zuhair ibn Qain und zweiundfünfzig Said ibn Abdullah getroffen; andere Zahlen sind geringer. Es war der bloße Wille dem Imam und dem Islam zu dienen, der sie am Leben erhielt. Als Imam Husain (a.) den Abschlussgruß [salam] rezitierte, fielen diese beiden großen Helden Kerbelas.
Als Imam Hussain zu ihnen ging, sprach er: "Meine Freunde, ihr habt euer Leben für etwas gelassen, was Allah am Liebsten ist, dem Ritualgebet!"
http://www.eslam.de/begriffe/z/zuhair_ibn_qain.htm
9:01
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Ziyarate Ale Yassin - Mohsen Farahmand - Français - Arabic sub French
Zyarate Ale Yassin :
Cité dans le Mafatih-al-Jinan, cette zyarate est une Zyarate de L'Imam Zamana.
D'après les Hadith de nos massoumine "Ale Yassin" signifie "La progéniture du...
Zyarate Ale Yassin :
Cité dans le Mafatih-al-Jinan, cette zyarate est une Zyarate de L'Imam Zamana.
D'après les Hadith de nos massoumine "Ale Yassin" signifie "La progéniture du Saint Prophète (saw) "
D'après une autre tradition, il est dit "Si vous voulez vous adresser à Dieu Très-Élevé par nous et vers nous, dites comme Dieu Très-Élevé"
More...
Description:
Zyarate Ale Yassin :
Cité dans le Mafatih-al-Jinan, cette zyarate est une Zyarate de L'Imam Zamana.
D'après les Hadith de nos massoumine "Ale Yassin" signifie "La progéniture du Saint Prophète (saw) "
D'après une autre tradition, il est dit "Si vous voulez vous adresser à Dieu Très-Élevé par nous et vers nous, dites comme Dieu Très-Élevé"