4:51
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The colonial origins of the global food market - Raj Patel - English
Raj Patel describes a history of the emergence of global food market which was constitutively tied to colonial expansionism and exploitation. The argument is on the line that India's food...
Raj Patel describes a history of the emergence of global food market which was constitutively tied to colonial expansionism and exploitation. The argument is on the line that India's food deficiency developed its severity - on an unprecedented scale - only after the colonial agricultural reforms and its integration of local economies into the global. The severe famines that we saw were a result of policies and socio-economic dynamics, not production technology per se. In other words, it was a construction of ‘distribution’ mechanism. Later, some invested their hopes in the so-called "Green Revolution", introduced since the 1960s in India. With the pesticides, chemical rich fertilizers, and GM seeds that came with it, the yields did increase, for a while at least. But increasing yields is one thing and food security another. The new technology, policies, and practices accompanying the "Green Revolution" made the Indian farmers even more vulnerable. The problem they now faced was not only that of ‘distribution’ but also of ‘production’. More than a hundred thousand Indian farmers have committed suicide due to increasing vulnerability in the last two decades. The Indian Punjab, which was the epicenter of the "Green Revolution", is in a severe crisis today and, some suggest that, parts of it "could be(come) barren in 10 to 15 years." A closer look at the history of Bt Cotton and Monsanto's monopolozing policies and years of neo-liberal reforms in India should be quite illuminating for anyone interested in this subject.
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Description:
Raj Patel describes a history of the emergence of global food market which was constitutively tied to colonial expansionism and exploitation. The argument is on the line that India's food deficiency developed its severity - on an unprecedented scale - only after the colonial agricultural reforms and its integration of local economies into the global. The severe famines that we saw were a result of policies and socio-economic dynamics, not production technology per se. In other words, it was a construction of ‘distribution’ mechanism. Later, some invested their hopes in the so-called "Green Revolution", introduced since the 1960s in India. With the pesticides, chemical rich fertilizers, and GM seeds that came with it, the yields did increase, for a while at least. But increasing yields is one thing and food security another. The new technology, policies, and practices accompanying the "Green Revolution" made the Indian farmers even more vulnerable. The problem they now faced was not only that of ‘distribution’ but also of ‘production’. More than a hundred thousand Indian farmers have committed suicide due to increasing vulnerability in the last two decades. The Indian Punjab, which was the epicenter of the "Green Revolution", is in a severe crisis today and, some suggest that, parts of it "could be(come) barren in 10 to 15 years." A closer look at the history of Bt Cotton and Monsanto's monopolozing policies and years of neo-liberal reforms in India should be quite illuminating for anyone interested in this subject.
Some say: Control yourself before you control other Countries - All Languages
It is not something that we should make fun of. RATHER this is a lesson for all the aggressors that one day their life is going to end, just like that... departure from this world is closer than we...
It is not something that we should make fun of. RATHER this is a lesson for all the aggressors that one day their life is going to end, just like that... departure from this world is closer than we all imagine. Anywhere, anytime...
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Description:
It is not something that we should make fun of. RATHER this is a lesson for all the aggressors that one day their life is going to end, just like that... departure from this world is closer than we all imagine. Anywhere, anytime...
11:27
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Strung Gravity Animation Tutorial Flash CS4 ActionScript 3.0 - English
Demo and Source Download - http://www.developphp.com/Flash_tutorials/show_tutorial.php?tid=536
Learn to animate actionscript 3.0 movieclips in a string, band, or cord fashion that is geared to...
Demo and Source Download - http://www.developphp.com/Flash_tutorials/show_tutorial.php?tid=536
Learn to animate actionscript 3.0 movieclips in a string, band, or cord fashion that is geared to follow the user mouse. This can be made more dynamic by using an array and loop to allow for srings, cords, or plugs if you set the numbers closer in the script and render more dynamic movieclips. I will be expanding this to use a more dynamic approach using an array and loop.
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Description:
Demo and Source Download - http://www.developphp.com/Flash_tutorials/show_tutorial.php?tid=536
Learn to animate actionscript 3.0 movieclips in a string, band, or cord fashion that is geared to follow the user mouse. This can be made more dynamic by using an array and loop to allow for srings, cords, or plugs if you set the numbers closer in the script and render more dynamic movieclips. I will be expanding this to use a more dynamic approach using an array and loop.
3:08
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Sayyed Nasrallah - Pure Blood Shed Yesterday Unveils US Schemes - 6Jun11 - English
Sayyed Nasrallah: Pure Blood Shed Yesterday Unveils US Schemes
Batoul Wehbe
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah saluted in a speech at the opening of the conference on...
Sayyed Nasrallah: Pure Blood Shed Yesterday Unveils US Schemes
Batoul Wehbe
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah saluted in a speech at the opening of the conference on innovation and intellectual diligence in Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei\\\'s view the protesters who gathered courageously yesterday on the 44th anniversary of Naksa Day at the borders of the occupied Syrian Golan.
“We must stand with dignity and great appreciation for the Palestinians and these young people who gathered yesterday and their insistence on confrontation,” Sayyed Nasrallah said adding that this pure blood is a new witness on the political and historical awareness dedicated by Imam Khomeini and then Imam Khamenei.
Sayyed Nasrallah said that the resilience of this nation unveiled the US administration’s attempt to confiscate the Arab revolutions and America’s commitment to Israel’s security.
IMAM’S AGGRIEVED PERSONALITY
His eminence started his speech with an introduction on the Islamic Revolution leader in Iran Sayyed Khamenei’s aggrieved personality that should be studied in all its dimensions.
“We find ourselves in front a great and exceptional personality who is aggrieved by his nation and even in Iran. Even in the political dimension of his personality, because he’s encircled by enemies, our responsibility is to introduce the nation on this great Imam,” his eminence said. “This is the very important and sensitive mission of this conference.”
UNIQUE PREDICTIONS OF A UNIQUE IMAM
Sayyed Nasrallah also tackled the regional stages in which Imam Khamenei was the pioneer to predict the unpredictable, from the failure of the Syrian-Israeli settlement in 1996 to the Israeli demise in the near future.
“In 1996, they told us do not bother yourselves and that there’s no need to provide blood and sacrifices, but there was someone (Imam Khamenei) who called on us to arrange our issues and continue our Jihad and resistance on the basis that the Israeli-Syrian settlement won’t be executed.”
“In late 1999, Imam Khamenei told us that your victory in Lebanon is very, very close, closer than you would expect and this was unlike all the analysis and information that there were no preparations for any Israeli withdrawal,” his eminence said.
“In the early days of July 2006 War, we received verbal message from Imam Khamenei telling us that we’ll remain victorious and undefeated power after this war,” Sayyed Nasrallah added.
US TO COLLAPSE, ISRAEL TO DISAPPEAR
The Hezbollah secretary general indicated that after September 11 events, Imam Khamenei told us not to be worried and that this is the beginning of America’s collapse “and when they entered Iraq and Afghanistan this was the beginning of their end.”
“He said that when the US is unable to protect its interests through regimes in the region or through armies and fleets and become obliged to enter all the fleets to the region, this is a sign of weakness,” Sayyed Nasrallah said.
His eminence pointed out that Imam Khamenei was the leader of the confrontation in the most difficult war that needed a lot of reason, wisdom and courage and so far we cannot detect many of the aspects of this war.
Imam Khamenei believes that the demise of Israel is not so far away and that the compromise with Israel won’t take place, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that what Imam Khamenei says on Israel can be understood when we realize US retreat and resistance achievements and assess the experience of July War and Gaza War, then we believe that the demise of Israel is very soon.
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Description:
Sayyed Nasrallah: Pure Blood Shed Yesterday Unveils US Schemes
Batoul Wehbe
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah saluted in a speech at the opening of the conference on innovation and intellectual diligence in Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei\\\'s view the protesters who gathered courageously yesterday on the 44th anniversary of Naksa Day at the borders of the occupied Syrian Golan.
“We must stand with dignity and great appreciation for the Palestinians and these young people who gathered yesterday and their insistence on confrontation,” Sayyed Nasrallah said adding that this pure blood is a new witness on the political and historical awareness dedicated by Imam Khomeini and then Imam Khamenei.
Sayyed Nasrallah said that the resilience of this nation unveiled the US administration’s attempt to confiscate the Arab revolutions and America’s commitment to Israel’s security.
IMAM’S AGGRIEVED PERSONALITY
His eminence started his speech with an introduction on the Islamic Revolution leader in Iran Sayyed Khamenei’s aggrieved personality that should be studied in all its dimensions.
“We find ourselves in front a great and exceptional personality who is aggrieved by his nation and even in Iran. Even in the political dimension of his personality, because he’s encircled by enemies, our responsibility is to introduce the nation on this great Imam,” his eminence said. “This is the very important and sensitive mission of this conference.”
UNIQUE PREDICTIONS OF A UNIQUE IMAM
Sayyed Nasrallah also tackled the regional stages in which Imam Khamenei was the pioneer to predict the unpredictable, from the failure of the Syrian-Israeli settlement in 1996 to the Israeli demise in the near future.
“In 1996, they told us do not bother yourselves and that there’s no need to provide blood and sacrifices, but there was someone (Imam Khamenei) who called on us to arrange our issues and continue our Jihad and resistance on the basis that the Israeli-Syrian settlement won’t be executed.”
“In late 1999, Imam Khamenei told us that your victory in Lebanon is very, very close, closer than you would expect and this was unlike all the analysis and information that there were no preparations for any Israeli withdrawal,” his eminence said.
“In the early days of July 2006 War, we received verbal message from Imam Khamenei telling us that we’ll remain victorious and undefeated power after this war,” Sayyed Nasrallah added.
US TO COLLAPSE, ISRAEL TO DISAPPEAR
The Hezbollah secretary general indicated that after September 11 events, Imam Khamenei told us not to be worried and that this is the beginning of America’s collapse “and when they entered Iraq and Afghanistan this was the beginning of their end.”
“He said that when the US is unable to protect its interests through regimes in the region or through armies and fleets and become obliged to enter all the fleets to the region, this is a sign of weakness,” Sayyed Nasrallah said.
His eminence pointed out that Imam Khamenei was the leader of the confrontation in the most difficult war that needed a lot of reason, wisdom and courage and so far we cannot detect many of the aspects of this war.
Imam Khamenei believes that the demise of Israel is not so far away and that the compromise with Israel won’t take place, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that what Imam Khamenei says on Israel can be understood when we realize US retreat and resistance achievements and assess the experience of July War and Gaza War, then we believe that the demise of Israel is very soon.
2:30
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Iran successfully launches second satellite " RASAD" into orbit - Jun 15 2011 - English
Amir Mehdi Kazemi, Press TV,Tehran
Another achievement for Iran's aerospace industry; a new satellite project aimed at bringing Iranian scientists a step closer to a more advanced space...
Amir Mehdi Kazemi, Press TV,Tehran
Another achievement for Iran's aerospace industry; a new satellite project aimed at bringing Iranian scientists a step closer to a more advanced space technology.
According to Iran's space organization the Safir-e- Rasad Iran's second satellite carrier is responsible for placing the 15.3 kilogram Rasad satellite into orbit. Just minutes after the launch signals were sent down to earth via space cameras, indicating that the satellite had been placed successfully into its circuit on a two month mission.
The project has been the result of cooperations between the aerospace organization and Malek Ashtar University both affiliated to Iran's ministry of defense and Iran's space organization.
The Rasad is the country's first imaging satellite. Despite its small dimensions which puts it under the category of micro-satellites the device has all the features of big satellite.
It will orbit the earth at an altitude of 260 kilometers 15 times every 24 hours.
The satellite is equipped with solar panels and uses solar energy to work.
Iran launched its first home made satellite Omid in 2009. The telecommunication satellite put Iran's name in the list as the ninth country to develop satellite launch capability.
With Iran's space projects speeding up the sky no longer seems to be the limit for scientists in Iran. Tehran says that it plans to launch the country's first manned mission to space by 2019.
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Description:
Amir Mehdi Kazemi, Press TV,Tehran
Another achievement for Iran's aerospace industry; a new satellite project aimed at bringing Iranian scientists a step closer to a more advanced space technology.
According to Iran's space organization the Safir-e- Rasad Iran's second satellite carrier is responsible for placing the 15.3 kilogram Rasad satellite into orbit. Just minutes after the launch signals were sent down to earth via space cameras, indicating that the satellite had been placed successfully into its circuit on a two month mission.
The project has been the result of cooperations between the aerospace organization and Malek Ashtar University both affiliated to Iran's ministry of defense and Iran's space organization.
The Rasad is the country's first imaging satellite. Despite its small dimensions which puts it under the category of micro-satellites the device has all the features of big satellite.
It will orbit the earth at an altitude of 260 kilometers 15 times every 24 hours.
The satellite is equipped with solar panels and uses solar energy to work.
Iran launched its first home made satellite Omid in 2009. The telecommunication satellite put Iran's name in the list as the ninth country to develop satellite launch capability.
With Iran's space projects speeding up the sky no longer seems to be the limit for scientists in Iran. Tehran says that it plans to launch the country's first manned mission to space by 2019.
4:47
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Bohemian Grove Mystery Broken Down - English
It's nestled among the Redwoods in the woods of California. 2,700 acres of pristine land broken down into dozens of camps. And for two weeks every July since the 1880s, they have been filled with...
It's nestled among the Redwoods in the woods of California. 2,700 acres of pristine land broken down into dozens of camps. And for two weeks every July since the 1880s, they have been filled with some of the most wealthy and powerful men in the world. RT's Kristine Frazao takes a closer look at Bohemian Grove 2011.
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Description:
It's nestled among the Redwoods in the woods of California. 2,700 acres of pristine land broken down into dozens of camps. And for two weeks every July since the 1880s, they have been filled with some of the most wealthy and powerful men in the world. RT's Kristine Frazao takes a closer look at Bohemian Grove 2011.
3:15
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Muslim month of fasting begins in Iran - Aug 2011 - English
Ramadan is the ninth lunar month in the Islamic calendar. Muslims all over the world fast during this month from the beginning of dawn to sunset. During fasting, Muslims refrain from eating and...
Ramadan is the ninth lunar month in the Islamic calendar. Muslims all over the world fast during this month from the beginning of dawn to sunset. During fasting, Muslims refrain from eating and drinking as commanded by God in His Book, the Holy Quran, which says:
O you who believe, fasting is decreed for you, as it was decreed for those before you, that you may attain salvation. (2:183)
A lunar month is the time it takes for the moon to orbit the earth - which is approximately 29.5 days. Therefore, the number of fasting days during Ramadan may sometimes be 29 days, and other times 30 days.
But Ramadan is more than just about moon sighting and fasting.
Ramadan is also the month during which the Holy Quran was revealed to Prophet Mohammad (Peace Be Upon Him). Special prayers are also held. The entire Quran is recited. It's an opportunity for Muslims to get closer to God. A month when a Muslim should try to:
See not what displeases Allah
Speak no evil
Hear no evil
Do no evil
Look to Allah with fear and hope
At sunset, the family will gather for the fast-breaking meal known as Iftar. This is a time of fellowship with families, friends and communities, but may also occupy larger spaces at mosques, where a hundred or more gather at a time.
More...
Description:
Ramadan is the ninth lunar month in the Islamic calendar. Muslims all over the world fast during this month from the beginning of dawn to sunset. During fasting, Muslims refrain from eating and drinking as commanded by God in His Book, the Holy Quran, which says:
O you who believe, fasting is decreed for you, as it was decreed for those before you, that you may attain salvation. (2:183)
A lunar month is the time it takes for the moon to orbit the earth - which is approximately 29.5 days. Therefore, the number of fasting days during Ramadan may sometimes be 29 days, and other times 30 days.
But Ramadan is more than just about moon sighting and fasting.
Ramadan is also the month during which the Holy Quran was revealed to Prophet Mohammad (Peace Be Upon Him). Special prayers are also held. The entire Quran is recited. It's an opportunity for Muslims to get closer to God. A month when a Muslim should try to:
See not what displeases Allah
Speak no evil
Hear no evil
Do no evil
Look to Allah with fear and hope
At sunset, the family will gather for the fast-breaking meal known as Iftar. This is a time of fellowship with families, friends and communities, but may also occupy larger spaces at mosques, where a hundred or more gather at a time.
38:40
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Vali Amr Muslimeen speech to Hajj Officials - 3 OCT 2011 - Farsi
دیدار كارگزاران حج با رهبر انقلاب
http://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=17451
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای رهبر انقلاب اسلامی...
دیدار كارگزاران حج با رهبر انقلاب
http://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=17451
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای رهبر انقلاب اسلامی صبح روز 11 مهر 1390، در دیدار دستاندركاران حج امسال، حج را فرصتی بسیار گرانبها و ارزشمند برای ارتباط با امت اسلامی و بهرهمندی معنوی خواندند و با اشاره به تلاش دشمنان برای اختلافافكنی و مقابله با موج بیداری اسلامی در مراسم حج ، تنها راه غلبه بر این توطئه را نزدیكتر شدن دلها و تقویت همدلی دانستند، ایشان همچنین در ادامه با اشاره به فساد بانكی اخیر در كشور، علت وقوع این سوء استفاده را عمل نكردن مسئولان به توصیههای مؤكد چند سال پیش رهبری در خصوص مقابله با فساد اقتصادی توصیف و تأكید كردند: مسئولان قضایی ضمن پیگیری قوی، دقیق و عاقلانه قضیه و اطلاعرسانی مناسب به مردم، باید دستهای خائن را قطع كنند.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای حج را یكی از رموز اساسی اسلام و میهمانی بزرگ الهی در مركز عظمت و قدرت و جمال و كرَم توصیف كردند و افزودند: باید در بُعد عمومی و بینالمللی حج، همدلی و تقویت پیوندهای اسلامی بدون در نظر گرفتن ملیتها، قومیتها و مذهبها مورد توجه جدی قرار گیرد و از این فرصت برای نزدیكتر شدن دلها استفاده شود.
ایشان یكی از ویژگیهای بارز حج امسال را، بیداری اسلامی در منطقه بویژه مصر، تونس، یمن و بحرین دانستند و تأكید كردند: با توجه به این رویداد مهم، امسال توطئه ایجاد اختلاف و بدبینی و تحریك احساسات میان امت اسلامی، برجستهتر خواهد بود و تنها راه غلبه بر این توطئه نزدیكتر شدن دلها و تقویت همدلی است.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی با تأكید بر اینكه مسلمانان یك تن واحد هستند، افزودند: حجاج ایرانی باید با چنین نگاه عمومی و جهانی در حج حضور یابند و تجربیات سی ساله خود در مبارزه با استكبار و معاندین را در اختیار ملتهای تازه انقلاب كرده، قرار دهند.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای، رفتار خوب و همراه با ادب و احترام را از دیگر نكات ضروری برای حجاج ایرانی برشمردند و خاطرنشان كردند: حج فرصتی گرانبها برای پاكیزه شدن از آلودگیهای دنیا و مجموعهای از فرائض است كه باید ضمن قدر دانستن این مراسم عظیم و كمنظیر، در حفظ ذخایر معنوی بدست آمده آن هم همت كرد.
ایشان زائران بیتاللهالحرام را به آمادهسازی درونی خود، قبل از سفر حج و آماده شدن برای این میهمانی الهی توصیه كردند و افزودند: حاجی ایرانی باید با رفتار خود در حج، ملت، كشور و نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران را در چشم دنیا سربلند كند.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی حجاج را به پرهیز از رفتارهای سبك توصیه و خاطرنشان كردند: یكی از این رفتارهای سبك، عطش بازارگردی است كه علاوه بر اینكه ارز كشور را برای خرید كالاهای بیكیفیت به هدر میدهد، فرصت ارزشمند عبادت و بهرهمندی معنوی را نیز از بین میبرد.
http://english.khamenei.ir//index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1533&Itemid=2
Ayatollah Khamenei the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution met Monday morning with the officials in charge of hajj affairs. At the meeting, His Eminence said that the enemy is making efforts to foment discord and to confront the wave of Islamic Awakening. He added that hajj is a very valuable opportunity to establish a relationship with the Islamic Ummah and to reap the spiritual benefits.
Ayatollah Khamenei said that hajj is one of the most important elements behind the success of Islam. He further described hajj as a great divine celebration which takes place at the center of glory, power and magnificence. \"Regarding the general and international dimension of hajj, it is necessary to pay serious attention to solidarity and strengthening Islamic bonds without taking nationalities, ethnicities and denominations into consideration. This opportunity should be used to make hearts get closer to one another.\"
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution stressed that Muslims are a unified entity and added: \"Iranian pilgrims should take part in hajj ceremonies with this general and global outlook and they should let the nations that have recently carried out a revolution benefit from their thirty years of experience in fighting the arrogant powers and the enemies.\"
His Eminence called on hajj pilgrims to prepare themselves spiritually before taking part in hajj ceremonies and added: \"With their behavior during hajj, Iranian pilgrims should make the world hold the Iranian nation and the Islamic Republic of Iran in high regard.\"
Elsewhere in his statements, Ayatollah Khamenei referred to the recent economic corruption and reminded government officials to combat economic corruption in a decisive way. \"Government officials welcomed confronting economic corruption, but if they had acted on my recommendations, we would never have had events like the recent banking embezzlement.\"
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution stressed that it is necessary to prevent corruption from becoming deep-rooted and added that it becomes very difficult to uproot corruption once it becomes deep-rooted. He assured the people that the three branches of government are determined to confront the recent event and to prevent similar events and said that government officials in the executive, legislative and judiciary branches are doing their duty.\"
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution said that it inadvisable to create uproar which may prompt others to take advantage of this issue. However, he assured the people that government officials will follow up the issue until the end and that they will cut off the treacherous hands.
His Eminence emphatically urged the judiciary to keep the people updated about the case and stressed: \"The judiciary system must not have mercy on wrong-doers, vandals and corrupt individuals.\"
Iran\'s judiciary is investigating the recent large embezzlement case and has issued arrest warrants for a number of suspects. Also a number of bank managers have been fired.
Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei Iran\'s Prosecutor General, who has been put in charge of the embezzlement case by the Judiciary Chief, has announced that the case is being investigated swiftly and decisively. He has also said that the culprits will be severely punished.
Iran\'s Judiciary Chief Sadeq Larijani has stressed that the judiciary system will follow up the issue decisively. He has also said that the judiciary has been investigating the embezzlement case for almost two months.
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Description:
دیدار كارگزاران حج با رهبر انقلاب
http://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=17451
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای رهبر انقلاب اسلامی صبح روز 11 مهر 1390، در دیدار دستاندركاران حج امسال، حج را فرصتی بسیار گرانبها و ارزشمند برای ارتباط با امت اسلامی و بهرهمندی معنوی خواندند و با اشاره به تلاش دشمنان برای اختلافافكنی و مقابله با موج بیداری اسلامی در مراسم حج ، تنها راه غلبه بر این توطئه را نزدیكتر شدن دلها و تقویت همدلی دانستند، ایشان همچنین در ادامه با اشاره به فساد بانكی اخیر در كشور، علت وقوع این سوء استفاده را عمل نكردن مسئولان به توصیههای مؤكد چند سال پیش رهبری در خصوص مقابله با فساد اقتصادی توصیف و تأكید كردند: مسئولان قضایی ضمن پیگیری قوی، دقیق و عاقلانه قضیه و اطلاعرسانی مناسب به مردم، باید دستهای خائن را قطع كنند.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای حج را یكی از رموز اساسی اسلام و میهمانی بزرگ الهی در مركز عظمت و قدرت و جمال و كرَم توصیف كردند و افزودند: باید در بُعد عمومی و بینالمللی حج، همدلی و تقویت پیوندهای اسلامی بدون در نظر گرفتن ملیتها، قومیتها و مذهبها مورد توجه جدی قرار گیرد و از این فرصت برای نزدیكتر شدن دلها استفاده شود.
ایشان یكی از ویژگیهای بارز حج امسال را، بیداری اسلامی در منطقه بویژه مصر، تونس، یمن و بحرین دانستند و تأكید كردند: با توجه به این رویداد مهم، امسال توطئه ایجاد اختلاف و بدبینی و تحریك احساسات میان امت اسلامی، برجستهتر خواهد بود و تنها راه غلبه بر این توطئه نزدیكتر شدن دلها و تقویت همدلی است.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی با تأكید بر اینكه مسلمانان یك تن واحد هستند، افزودند: حجاج ایرانی باید با چنین نگاه عمومی و جهانی در حج حضور یابند و تجربیات سی ساله خود در مبارزه با استكبار و معاندین را در اختیار ملتهای تازه انقلاب كرده، قرار دهند.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای، رفتار خوب و همراه با ادب و احترام را از دیگر نكات ضروری برای حجاج ایرانی برشمردند و خاطرنشان كردند: حج فرصتی گرانبها برای پاكیزه شدن از آلودگیهای دنیا و مجموعهای از فرائض است كه باید ضمن قدر دانستن این مراسم عظیم و كمنظیر، در حفظ ذخایر معنوی بدست آمده آن هم همت كرد.
ایشان زائران بیتاللهالحرام را به آمادهسازی درونی خود، قبل از سفر حج و آماده شدن برای این میهمانی الهی توصیه كردند و افزودند: حاجی ایرانی باید با رفتار خود در حج، ملت، كشور و نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران را در چشم دنیا سربلند كند.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی حجاج را به پرهیز از رفتارهای سبك توصیه و خاطرنشان كردند: یكی از این رفتارهای سبك، عطش بازارگردی است كه علاوه بر اینكه ارز كشور را برای خرید كالاهای بیكیفیت به هدر میدهد، فرصت ارزشمند عبادت و بهرهمندی معنوی را نیز از بین میبرد.
http://english.khamenei.ir//index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1533&Itemid=2
Ayatollah Khamenei the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution met Monday morning with the officials in charge of hajj affairs. At the meeting, His Eminence said that the enemy is making efforts to foment discord and to confront the wave of Islamic Awakening. He added that hajj is a very valuable opportunity to establish a relationship with the Islamic Ummah and to reap the spiritual benefits.
Ayatollah Khamenei said that hajj is one of the most important elements behind the success of Islam. He further described hajj as a great divine celebration which takes place at the center of glory, power and magnificence. \"Regarding the general and international dimension of hajj, it is necessary to pay serious attention to solidarity and strengthening Islamic bonds without taking nationalities, ethnicities and denominations into consideration. This opportunity should be used to make hearts get closer to one another.\"
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution stressed that Muslims are a unified entity and added: \"Iranian pilgrims should take part in hajj ceremonies with this general and global outlook and they should let the nations that have recently carried out a revolution benefit from their thirty years of experience in fighting the arrogant powers and the enemies.\"
His Eminence called on hajj pilgrims to prepare themselves spiritually before taking part in hajj ceremonies and added: \"With their behavior during hajj, Iranian pilgrims should make the world hold the Iranian nation and the Islamic Republic of Iran in high regard.\"
Elsewhere in his statements, Ayatollah Khamenei referred to the recent economic corruption and reminded government officials to combat economic corruption in a decisive way. \"Government officials welcomed confronting economic corruption, but if they had acted on my recommendations, we would never have had events like the recent banking embezzlement.\"
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution stressed that it is necessary to prevent corruption from becoming deep-rooted and added that it becomes very difficult to uproot corruption once it becomes deep-rooted. He assured the people that the three branches of government are determined to confront the recent event and to prevent similar events and said that government officials in the executive, legislative and judiciary branches are doing their duty.\"
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution said that it inadvisable to create uproar which may prompt others to take advantage of this issue. However, he assured the people that government officials will follow up the issue until the end and that they will cut off the treacherous hands.
His Eminence emphatically urged the judiciary to keep the people updated about the case and stressed: \"The judiciary system must not have mercy on wrong-doers, vandals and corrupt individuals.\"
Iran\'s judiciary is investigating the recent large embezzlement case and has issued arrest warrants for a number of suspects. Also a number of bank managers have been fired.
Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei Iran\'s Prosecutor General, who has been put in charge of the embezzlement case by the Judiciary Chief, has announced that the case is being investigated swiftly and decisively. He has also said that the culprits will be severely punished.
Iran\'s Judiciary Chief Sadeq Larijani has stressed that the judiciary system will follow up the issue decisively. He has also said that the judiciary has been investigating the embezzlement case for almost two months.
47:37
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Br Zafar Bangash on "Marching to War With Iran" at McMaster University 26Jan2012 - English
Like a zombie, America is shambling towards war with Iran. Nobody, or almost nobody wants to see a gross expansion in the War on Terror. Yet the military and political apparatus of the United...
Like a zombie, America is shambling towards war with Iran. Nobody, or almost nobody wants to see a gross expansion in the War on Terror. Yet the military and political apparatus of the United States lurches mindlissly forward, with new sactions and new accusations, ever-closer to initiating disastrous strikes on a sovereign country.
Does anyone care? indeed, since the first term of the Bush administration, many have expressed concern that the U.S.-Instigated wars in Central Asia would culminate in a ruinous conflict with Iran that would devastate global markets and lead to an unprecedented crackdown on civil liberties and human rights at home. Zarfar is ready to lecture on the dangers, and the efforts to prevent the war, and also make the Middle East a nuclear-wapons-free zone.
Br Zafar Bangash on "Marching to War With Iran" at McMaster University Hamilton Canada 26Jan2012 English
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Like a zombie, America is shambling towards war with Iran. Nobody, or almost nobody wants to see a gross expansion in the War on Terror. Yet the military and political apparatus of the United States lurches mindlissly forward, with new sactions and new accusations, ever-closer to initiating disastrous strikes on a sovereign country.
Does anyone care? indeed, since the first term of the Bush administration, many have expressed concern that the U.S.-Instigated wars in Central Asia would culminate in a ruinous conflict with Iran that would devastate global markets and lead to an unprecedented crackdown on civil liberties and human rights at home. Zarfar is ready to lecture on the dangers, and the efforts to prevent the war, and also make the Middle East a nuclear-wapons-free zone.
Br Zafar Bangash on "Marching to War With Iran" at McMaster University Hamilton Canada 26Jan2012 English
24:03
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[02 June 2012] Mubarak Verdict: Justice Served - News Analysis - English
[02 June 2012] Mubarak Verdict: Justice Served - News Analysis - English
A 30-year dictatorial rule, undone by an 18-day revolution, reached its climax for the man who was once on top: Former...
[02 June 2012] Mubarak Verdict: Justice Served - News Analysis - English
A 30-year dictatorial rule, undone by an 18-day revolution, reached its climax for the man who was once on top: Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was given the life sentence for his role in the killing of protesters. His sons Gamal and Alaa, were cleared of corruption charges, and several senior security officials were found not guilty of murder. The verdict sparked anger amongst Egyptians. In this news analysis, we will look closer at the political ramifications in a country that will presidential elections in about 2 week's time.
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[02 June 2012] Mubarak Verdict: Justice Served - News Analysis - English
A 30-year dictatorial rule, undone by an 18-day revolution, reached its climax for the man who was once on top: Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was given the life sentence for his role in the killing of protesters. His sons Gamal and Alaa, were cleared of corruption charges, and several senior security officials were found not guilty of murder. The verdict sparked anger amongst Egyptians. In this news analysis, we will look closer at the political ramifications in a country that will presidential elections in about 2 week's time.
25:06
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[07 June 2012] FBI systematically spreads fears threats - News Analysis - English
[07 June 2012] 'FBI systematically spreads fears threats' - News Analysis - English
Political activists labeled as terrorists, falsely identifying domestic terrorism threats. Nothing wrong with...
[07 June 2012] 'FBI systematically spreads fears threats' - News Analysis - English
Political activists labeled as terrorists, falsely identifying domestic terrorism threats. Nothing wrong with going after the bad guy, or threats: But to manufacture this, based on scant data: that's what the FBI is accused of, blurring the lines between reality and speculation, as revealed through their domestic terrorism training materials, which has a special focus on activists. In this edition of the News Analysis, we will look closer at how freedom is not what it used to be in the US. Our analysis will include ways the US security apparatus goes about scrutinizing different people and groups as being terrorist threats, including their activities and movements.
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[07 June 2012] 'FBI systematically spreads fears threats' - News Analysis - English
Political activists labeled as terrorists, falsely identifying domestic terrorism threats. Nothing wrong with going after the bad guy, or threats: But to manufacture this, based on scant data: that's what the FBI is accused of, blurring the lines between reality and speculation, as revealed through their domestic terrorism training materials, which has a special focus on activists. In this edition of the News Analysis, we will look closer at how freedom is not what it used to be in the US. Our analysis will include ways the US security apparatus goes about scrutinizing different people and groups as being terrorist threats, including their activities and movements.
2:21
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[23 June 2012] Iranian president in Venezuela to boost bilateral ties - English
[23 June 2012] Iranian president in Venezuela to boost bilateral ties - English
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez warmly greeted his close ally Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad at the...
[23 June 2012] Iranian president in Venezuela to boost bilateral ties - English
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez warmly greeted his close ally Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad at the presidential palace in Caracas. The Iranian leader arrived in Venezuela's capital from stops in Brazil, where he attended the United Nations Rio+20 conference in Rio de Janeiro, and Bolivia.Chavez and Ahmadinejad vowed to keep building closer ties. The Venezuelan president has expressed solidarity with Iran on its nuclear energy program which Iran insists it's for peaceful purposes.
Caracas and Tehran have signed an estimated five billion dollars worth of trade deals and accords since 2001 including construction projects, car factories and most recently an agreement for Caracas to manufacture unmanned aerial aircrafts better known as drones.The United States has looked at these accords with disapproval and last year put sanctions on Venezuela's state oil company for making deals with Iran's energy sector.Chavez criticized the sanctions against Iran and pledged to continue being Tehran's key ally in Latin America.This is President Ahmadinejad second visit to Venezuela this year. According to Hugo Chavez there have been more than 300 bilateral accords signed by both countries.
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[23 June 2012] Iranian president in Venezuela to boost bilateral ties - English
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez warmly greeted his close ally Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad at the presidential palace in Caracas. The Iranian leader arrived in Venezuela's capital from stops in Brazil, where he attended the United Nations Rio+20 conference in Rio de Janeiro, and Bolivia.Chavez and Ahmadinejad vowed to keep building closer ties. The Venezuelan president has expressed solidarity with Iran on its nuclear energy program which Iran insists it's for peaceful purposes.
Caracas and Tehran have signed an estimated five billion dollars worth of trade deals and accords since 2001 including construction projects, car factories and most recently an agreement for Caracas to manufacture unmanned aerial aircrafts better known as drones.The United States has looked at these accords with disapproval and last year put sanctions on Venezuela's state oil company for making deals with Iran's energy sector.Chavez criticized the sanctions against Iran and pledged to continue being Tehran's key ally in Latin America.This is President Ahmadinejad second visit to Venezuela this year. According to Hugo Chavez there have been more than 300 bilateral accords signed by both countries.
4:36
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Disturbed me بعثرتني - Nasheed - Arabic sub English
A heartwarming nasheed by my favourite munshid, Muhammad al Omary. It talks about a man who expresses how he feels living a life far from Allah. It\\\\\\\'s something we can all relate to when...
A heartwarming nasheed by my favourite munshid, Muhammad al Omary. It talks about a man who expresses how he feels living a life far from Allah. It\\\\\\\'s something we can all relate to when feeling low iman; a sickness which prolongs the days and nights; a sickness in which there\\\\\\\'s no immediate cure; a sickness that cannot be described. May Allah protect us from it all and guide us closer to Him.
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A heartwarming nasheed by my favourite munshid, Muhammad al Omary. It talks about a man who expresses how he feels living a life far from Allah. It\\\\\\\'s something we can all relate to when feeling low iman; a sickness which prolongs the days and nights; a sickness in which there\\\\\\\'s no immediate cure; a sickness that cannot be described. May Allah protect us from it all and guide us closer to Him.
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24:53
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2:25
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Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah Poem - Apologies 1 - Arabic sub English
A poem by Ahmad Zain. A Lebanese actor and long time supporter of the Resistance.
This has English subtitles as opposed to my first one which was purely in Arabic.
I have added some...
A poem by Ahmad Zain. A Lebanese actor and long time supporter of the Resistance.
This has English subtitles as opposed to my first one which was purely in Arabic.
I have added some background music and footage to compliment the poetic wording of this clip. I hope you all enjoy it. Long live the Islamic Resistance of Lebanon, Long live the Palestinian Resistance. Liberation is closer than you know it.
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Description:
A poem by Ahmad Zain. A Lebanese actor and long time supporter of the Resistance.
This has English subtitles as opposed to my first one which was purely in Arabic.
I have added some background music and footage to compliment the poetic wording of this clip. I hope you all enjoy it. Long live the Islamic Resistance of Lebanon, Long live the Palestinian Resistance. Liberation is closer than you know it.
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5:46
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26:21
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[Iran Today] Iran-s 11th Presidential Election - 7 May 2013 - English
The eleventh round of Iran\'s Presidential Election has just officially begun with the registration process finally underway as of today May 7th in the interior ministry.
Any Iranian national...
The eleventh round of Iran\'s Presidential Election has just officially begun with the registration process finally underway as of today May 7th in the interior ministry.
Any Iranian national has until May 11 to register, the date on which all the guesswork surrounding who will and who won\'t decide to run, officially comes to an end and the vetting process by the 12-member guardian council made-up of 6 Islamic faqihs or experts in Islamic jurisprudence and 6 jurists begins with a 24 hour break in between.
The contenders themselves can also choose to withdraw anytime from now until the Election Day (June 14, 2013).
The race will officially begin right after the final list of Presidential hopefuls is announced by the interior ministry after which the candidates are allowed to start their election campaigns.
This is while some candidates have already started giving interviews and appearing on university campuses discussing and promoting their agenda.
So far economy seems to top the list of campaign issues and promises given the current economic dire straits faced by the country.
On this edition of the show we take a closer look at the latest election news including the presidential hopefuls\' solutions for improving Iran\'s economy and the livelihood of their fellow citizens.
Follow our Facebook on: https://www.facebook.com/presstv
Follow our Twitter on: http://twitter.com/presstv
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The eleventh round of Iran\'s Presidential Election has just officially begun with the registration process finally underway as of today May 7th in the interior ministry.
Any Iranian national has until May 11 to register, the date on which all the guesswork surrounding who will and who won\'t decide to run, officially comes to an end and the vetting process by the 12-member guardian council made-up of 6 Islamic faqihs or experts in Islamic jurisprudence and 6 jurists begins with a 24 hour break in between.
The contenders themselves can also choose to withdraw anytime from now until the Election Day (June 14, 2013).
The race will officially begin right after the final list of Presidential hopefuls is announced by the interior ministry after which the candidates are allowed to start their election campaigns.
This is while some candidates have already started giving interviews and appearing on university campuses discussing and promoting their agenda.
So far economy seems to top the list of campaign issues and promises given the current economic dire straits faced by the country.
On this edition of the show we take a closer look at the latest election news including the presidential hopefuls\' solutions for improving Iran\'s economy and the livelihood of their fellow citizens.
Follow our Facebook on: https://www.facebook.com/presstv
Follow our Twitter on: http://twitter.com/presstv
Follow our Tumblr on: http://presstvchannel.tumblr.com
25:13
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[18 May 13] Iran\\\'s automotive industry - English
Car prices in Iran have skyrocketed since April 2011. When prices passed the thirty percent increase mark; the government intervened but only managed to decrease the prices 10 to 15 percent. Second...
Car prices in Iran have skyrocketed since April 2011. When prices passed the thirty percent increase mark; the government intervened but only managed to decrease the prices 10 to 15 percent. Second only to the oil and gas sector, auto-manufacturing is a major industrial sector in Iran which has placed the country among the top ten largest auto makers in Asia and is known to be the biggest in the Middle East. Soaring prices forced Iran\'s major auto-makers, Iran Khodro and Saipa, to reduce production and sales.
Observers point to several factors as the reasons for the escalating prices including: the depreciation of the Iranian currency, government mismanagement, and the lack of price regulations that would allow comprehensive controls over the automobile market. The escalating prices also prompted the parliament to step in. Minister of Industry Mine and Trade, Mehdi Ghazanfari was summoned to respond to the MPs. Eventually, the Competition Committee was ordered to devise a formula to determine car-prices.
In this edition of the show we are taking a closer look at Iran\'s automotive industry. We will investigate the reasons behind the recent price hike, and discuss the measures taken by the government to tackle the problem.
More...
Description:
Car prices in Iran have skyrocketed since April 2011. When prices passed the thirty percent increase mark; the government intervened but only managed to decrease the prices 10 to 15 percent. Second only to the oil and gas sector, auto-manufacturing is a major industrial sector in Iran which has placed the country among the top ten largest auto makers in Asia and is known to be the biggest in the Middle East. Soaring prices forced Iran\'s major auto-makers, Iran Khodro and Saipa, to reduce production and sales.
Observers point to several factors as the reasons for the escalating prices including: the depreciation of the Iranian currency, government mismanagement, and the lack of price regulations that would allow comprehensive controls over the automobile market. The escalating prices also prompted the parliament to step in. Minister of Industry Mine and Trade, Mehdi Ghazanfari was summoned to respond to the MPs. Eventually, the Competition Committee was ordered to devise a formula to determine car-prices.
In this edition of the show we are taking a closer look at Iran\'s automotive industry. We will investigate the reasons behind the recent price hike, and discuss the measures taken by the government to tackle the problem.
26:44
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[22 May 13] Iran city and village council elections - English
In Iran, the spotlight is on the June 14 presidential election. The crucial vote will determine the path the country will be taking for the next four years.
This has to great extent undermined...
In Iran, the spotlight is on the June 14 presidential election. The crucial vote will determine the path the country will be taking for the next four years.
This has to great extent undermined the city and village council elections which are set to be held on the same day as the presidential election.
Since the victory of the Islamic revolution Iranians have gone to the polls three times to vote for the city and village councils. A fourth round was to be held in June 2010 but was postponed for three years according to a decision made by the parliament.
This year 352 thousand hopefuls have registered to compete for 207 thousand seats around the country. Unlike other elections held in Iran, the Guardian Council is not responsible for the vetting process. Instead a parliamentary committee has to decide which of the candidates are qualified to run.
Since the 1979 Islamic revolution, on average one election has been held each year but the fourth round of city and village council elections is different in many ways.
First and foremost it is going be the biggest election ever held in the history of Iran in terms of the number of candidates and the number of seats at stake.
According to law any village with a population of over 100 should have its own council tasked with paving the way for the social, economic, and cultural development of the community that it represents.
In this edition of the show we will be taking a closer look at the preparations made for this round of city and village council elections and the role these councils have played in the development of cities and villages and the services that they provide.
More...
Description:
In Iran, the spotlight is on the June 14 presidential election. The crucial vote will determine the path the country will be taking for the next four years.
This has to great extent undermined the city and village council elections which are set to be held on the same day as the presidential election.
Since the victory of the Islamic revolution Iranians have gone to the polls three times to vote for the city and village councils. A fourth round was to be held in June 2010 but was postponed for three years according to a decision made by the parliament.
This year 352 thousand hopefuls have registered to compete for 207 thousand seats around the country. Unlike other elections held in Iran, the Guardian Council is not responsible for the vetting process. Instead a parliamentary committee has to decide which of the candidates are qualified to run.
Since the 1979 Islamic revolution, on average one election has been held each year but the fourth round of city and village council elections is different in many ways.
First and foremost it is going be the biggest election ever held in the history of Iran in terms of the number of candidates and the number of seats at stake.
According to law any village with a population of over 100 should have its own council tasked with paving the way for the social, economic, and cultural development of the community that it represents.
In this edition of the show we will be taking a closer look at the preparations made for this round of city and village council elections and the role these councils have played in the development of cities and villages and the services that they provide.
33:34
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on current situation - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar Asad Interview - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
26:45
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[05 June 13] Iran Today - Irans eleventh presidential election (X) - English
Only eleven days until the eleventh presidential election in Iran remain.
All the candidates are busy campaigning and giving speeches to promote their plans for the public. They will present...
Only eleven days until the eleventh presidential election in Iran remain.
All the candidates are busy campaigning and giving speeches to promote their plans for the public. They will present their plans until a day before the election which would be held on June 14th.
All of the eight candidates approved by the Guardian Council have been given a timetable by Iran\'s National Radio and Television Organization to introduce their plans to the public through different channels and different types of programs.
Runners grab any chance to travel to Iran\'s major and small cities to meet people in the city mosques, conference halls and stadiums, giving vows to solve their problems.
Comparing to the last presidential election, internet websites are more active in promoting their favorite candidates. Supporters have launched different weblogs to announce their campaign slogans. Different unofficial internet polls are being conducted but the results differ based on the political orientation of the websites.
On Friday May 31st 2013 the first debate show between the eight candidates was held. This time the debates are different from the heated but troubled debates of the last Election back in 2009. Instead of talking to each other, the candidates were answering the moderator\'s somewhat challenging questions.
In this episode of Iran Today we will take a closer look at the candidates\' plans and their views on the policies adopted by the previous administrations.
More...
Description:
Only eleven days until the eleventh presidential election in Iran remain.
All the candidates are busy campaigning and giving speeches to promote their plans for the public. They will present their plans until a day before the election which would be held on June 14th.
All of the eight candidates approved by the Guardian Council have been given a timetable by Iran\'s National Radio and Television Organization to introduce their plans to the public through different channels and different types of programs.
Runners grab any chance to travel to Iran\'s major and small cities to meet people in the city mosques, conference halls and stadiums, giving vows to solve their problems.
Comparing to the last presidential election, internet websites are more active in promoting their favorite candidates. Supporters have launched different weblogs to announce their campaign slogans. Different unofficial internet polls are being conducted but the results differ based on the political orientation of the websites.
On Friday May 31st 2013 the first debate show between the eight candidates was held. This time the debates are different from the heated but troubled debates of the last Election back in 2009. Instead of talking to each other, the candidates were answering the moderator\'s somewhat challenging questions.
In this episode of Iran Today we will take a closer look at the candidates\' plans and their views on the policies adopted by the previous administrations.
25:14
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[11 June 13] Debate : US spying scandals - English
President Obama says US citizens are free to complain about what opponents call a big-brother style surveillance program, but that it\\\'s necessary to ward off terrorist attacks.
Do...
President Obama says US citizens are free to complain about what opponents call a big-brother style surveillance program, but that it\\\'s necessary to ward off terrorist attacks.
Do encroachments on privacy become acceptable, if according to Obama, they\\\'re modest?
Is PRISM only the next in a chain of secret US spying programs that activists say are pushing the country ever closer to a police state?
More...
Description:
President Obama says US citizens are free to complain about what opponents call a big-brother style surveillance program, but that it\\\'s necessary to ward off terrorist attacks.
Do encroachments on privacy become acceptable, if according to Obama, they\\\'re modest?
Is PRISM only the next in a chain of secret US spying programs that activists say are pushing the country ever closer to a police state?
24:24
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[16 July 13] Egypt new leaders ready for transition - English
The interim government in Egypt is moving closer towards a transition but divisions are still plenty from the definition of a coup detat to the way that leads to democracy and independence.
As a...
The interim government in Egypt is moving closer towards a transition but divisions are still plenty from the definition of a coup detat to the way that leads to democracy and independence.
As a special US envoy pays Egypt a visit, more members of the former ruling Muslim Brotherhood party are detained and the military threatens to use force against protesters who try to approach its bases.
The Muslim Brotherhood has refused to participate in the new government. The group has vowed to keep protesting until Morsi is restored to power.
More...
Description:
The interim government in Egypt is moving closer towards a transition but divisions are still plenty from the definition of a coup detat to the way that leads to democracy and independence.
As a special US envoy pays Egypt a visit, more members of the former ruling Muslim Brotherhood party are detained and the military threatens to use force against protesters who try to approach its bases.
The Muslim Brotherhood has refused to participate in the new government. The group has vowed to keep protesting until Morsi is restored to power.
26:45
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[17 July 13] New round of US sanctions against Iran - English
A new round of US unilateral sanctions came into effect on July 1st, planned to affect the Iranian economy hugely.
The sanctions target the barter of Iran\'s currency, the Rial, the country\'s...
A new round of US unilateral sanctions came into effect on July 1st, planned to affect the Iranian economy hugely.
The sanctions target the barter of Iran\'s currency, the Rial, the country\'s auto sector, shipbuilding, and petroleum industry.
New tightening sanctions are being imposed on Iranian nation while the country is dealing with an inflation rate of over 31%.
Many political analysts believed that the United States was expected not to put into effect these new sanctions while a moderate candidate won the June presidential election.
They had predicted that the US administration would defer their decision on the new sets of economic pressures. To their chagrin, now many countries as well as international companies have to choose between the US and Iran.
In this edition of the show we will take a closer look at the new round of US sanctions against Iran.
More...
Description:
A new round of US unilateral sanctions came into effect on July 1st, planned to affect the Iranian economy hugely.
The sanctions target the barter of Iran\'s currency, the Rial, the country\'s auto sector, shipbuilding, and petroleum industry.
New tightening sanctions are being imposed on Iranian nation while the country is dealing with an inflation rate of over 31%.
Many political analysts believed that the United States was expected not to put into effect these new sanctions while a moderate candidate won the June presidential election.
They had predicted that the US administration would defer their decision on the new sets of economic pressures. To their chagrin, now many countries as well as international companies have to choose between the US and Iran.
In this edition of the show we will take a closer look at the new round of US sanctions against Iran.