20:11
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[Autograph] Bushs Wars - Terry Anderson - English
In this edition of the show Susan interviews Terry Anderson, author of Bush's Wars.
Shortly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush told advisor Karl Rove,...
In this edition of the show Susan interviews Terry Anderson, author of Bush's Wars.
Shortly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush told advisor Karl Rove, "I am here for a reason, and this is how we're going to be judged." Anderson provides this judgment in this sweeping, authoritative account of Bush's War on Terror and his twin interventions.
He begins with historical surveys of Iraq and Afghanistan known respectively as "the improbable country" and "the graveyard of empires," and he examines U.S. policies toward those and other nations in the Middle East from the 1970s.
Then Anderson focuses on the Bush Administration, carrying us through such events as the terrorist's attacks of 9/11, the invasion of Afghanistan and the siege of Tora Bora, the "Axis of Evil" speech, the invasion of Iraq and capture of Baghdad, and the eruption of insurgency in Iraq.
Anderson describes the counter-insurgency strategy embodied by the "surge" in Iraq, and the simultaneous revival of the Taliban. He concludes with an assessment of the prosecution of the wars in the first years of Barack Obama's presidency.
More...
Description:
In this edition of the show Susan interviews Terry Anderson, author of Bush's Wars.
Shortly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush told advisor Karl Rove, "I am here for a reason, and this is how we're going to be judged." Anderson provides this judgment in this sweeping, authoritative account of Bush's War on Terror and his twin interventions.
He begins with historical surveys of Iraq and Afghanistan known respectively as "the improbable country" and "the graveyard of empires," and he examines U.S. policies toward those and other nations in the Middle East from the 1970s.
Then Anderson focuses on the Bush Administration, carrying us through such events as the terrorist's attacks of 9/11, the invasion of Afghanistan and the siege of Tora Bora, the "Axis of Evil" speech, the invasion of Iraq and capture of Baghdad, and the eruption of insurgency in Iraq.
Anderson describes the counter-insurgency strategy embodied by the "surge" in Iraq, and the simultaneous revival of the Taliban. He concludes with an assessment of the prosecution of the wars in the first years of Barack Obama's presidency.
20:12
|
Vali Amr Muslimeen speech to Baseej - 28 November 2011 - Farsi sub English
Supreme Leader’s Speech to Basijis
28/11/2011
The following is the full text of the speech delivered on November 28, 2011 by Ayatollah Khamenei the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution...
Supreme Leader’s Speech to Basijis
28/11/2011
The following is the full text of the speech delivered on November 28, 2011 by Ayatollah Khamenei the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution to a group of basijis from different parts of the country.
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful
All praise is due to Allah, the Lord of the Worlds, and peace and greetings upon our Master, Muhammad, and upon his immaculate household, especially the one remaining with Allah on earth.
I am grateful to Allah the Exalted who gave me the opportunity to attend this glorious and excellent meeting. I would like to ask the brothers and sisters who are standing around the square to sit down so that we can have a discussion.
Today has coincided with the first day of the month of Muharram. The identity and nature of Basij are in harmony with the identity of Muharram and Ashura. Basij is proud of being a follower of the school of Ashura. Of course Ashura is the peak of self-sacrifice. The issue of Ashura and what happened to Hussein ibn Ali (a.s.) and his loyal companions have been identified in the entire history and the entire world with self-sacrifice and selfless efforts in the way of God and for a divine cause. But the issue of Ashura is not limited to this. Yes, self-sacrifice and martyrdom are the most prominent and significant aspect of Ashura, but there are also other truths in Ashura. From the beginning of the movement in Medina, the seeds of knowledge and insight were sowed: this is one of the characteristics of the event that happened on Ashura. If a people lack insight, different things will not help them improve their conditions and solve their problems. Therefore, purity, identifying the opportunities, sowing the seeds of a growing historical movement - these are among the important characteristics of Ashura. The event did not end on the noon of Ashura. In fact a movement started in history from the noon of Ashura, a movement whose scope is still widening and expanding and it will continue expanding in the future as well. Imam Hussein (a.s.) brought whatever he had into the arena in order to promote the word of God and save mankind. These are some of the characteristics that one can identify in the event that happened on Ashura.
Basij is following the same path. It is continuing the same movement. It is pursuing the same goals. It is using the same tools and means. Basij is from among the people and it was established for the sake of the people. It was established in order to further the great movement of a mujahid nation. Basij is present in defense, science, art, construction of the country, politics, culture, helping oppressed and helpless people, production, technology, furthering different affairs of the country, sports, international arenas and all righteous actions. This is the movement of Basij: a popular movement for the people, in the hearts of the people, from among the people, from among different social classes, from among women and men - young and old - from different professions. That is to say, an organization was established which was hezbollahi in the real sense of the word.
Basij is political in nature, but it is not intoxicated by political and partisan activities. Basij is a mujahid organization, but it is not without discipline. It is not radical. Basij is deeply pious and religious, but it is not rigid and superstitious. Basij is insightful, but it is not self-centered. Basij is inclusive - and I have recommended maximum inclusion - but it will not compromise principles. Basij is brave. It is the guardian of principles. Basij is a supporter of science, but it is not intoxicated with science. Basij enjoys Islamic characteristics and it is not hypocritical. Basij is involved in improving the world, but it does not have materialistic tendencies. And this is a culture.
The basiji culture includes the knowledge, methods and behaviors which can give rise to great things that guarantee the permanent Islamic movement of a nation on a straight path. This is a school of thought and it is not just an abstract concept: it has a manifestation in the real world. The movement of Basij changed the destiny of Iran and it even went beyond changing the destiny of Iran. From the first day, basijis continued their activities in different revolutionary arenas before and after the Revolution and their movement became permanent. It became a model. It went down in history in the name of the Iranian nation. Today the youth of New York and California are repeating the slogans of the people of Egypt and Tunisia. They are inspired by these nations and they do not deny this. And the youth of Egypt and Tunisia were inspired by Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad and they did not hide this. Basijis who were deployed by our magnanimous Imam (r.a.) started this inspiration in the modern world. Everybody learnt how to defeat the icons of materialistic power from our Imam\\\'s basijis and from our disabled war veterans, soldiers and selfless people. They learnt how to break idols in the name of God. They leant how to stand firm and how to resist.
Today the existence, movement and goals of Basij make us familiar with these truths. By relying on this culture, these teachings and this spirit, the Islamic Revolution and the revolutionary Iranian nation managed to accomplish many things which were considered impossible and this movement will continue. The hostility of the enemies cannot affect this. Of course the enemy will continue its hostility. We must not have any doubts in this regard. In fact an enemy should not be expected to behave otherwise. However, when we consider the great movement of the Iranian nation from the beginning of the Revolution to the present day, we see that there is a clear path. The Iranian nation is moving forward. It is moving towards the peak. It continues overcoming different challenges in different arenas and the enemies are forced to back down in this confrontation. With this movement, the Iranian nation will definitely achieve victory.
Today Islamic movements and uprisings are being witnessed throughout Islamic and Arab regions. This is exactly what has been expected since thirty years ago by those who were familiar with the nature of the Revolution. And in anticipation of such a thing, the enemies of the Revolution were trembling with fear for thirty years. They lived in fear of the events that have already happened today. Those who were hatching plots against the Islamic Revolution predicted such events and they happened. These events will continue and they will not stop.
Today Muslim people have risen up in the Arab region. They have become aware. They have awakened. The enemies cannot suppress them. They cannot change their path. The movement has already started and it has affected the conditions of the world. The movements that you see today in the western world - in America and in Europe - are indicative of great changes that the world will witness in the future.
We are not surprised by the response of the enemies. We are not surprised by the threats they make, the sanctions they impose and what the arrogant countries have been doing against the Islamic Republic during this time. They know that the Islamic Republic was the source of this movement. They know that it is the resistance of the Iranian nation that has managed to promote the idea in the region that it is possible to stand up against the power of the arrogant powers. The arrogant powers have always resolved their problems through intimidation. They intimidate nations and their leaders. When this technique is revealed and when nations realize that the power of the arrogant countries is superficial and not genuine, the arrogant powers will lose this weapon. And this is what has happened today. Therefore, they are angry and they pressure the Islamic Republic.
Of course they wrongly accuse the Islamic Republic of having started these movements. This is a baseless accusation. There is no need for such actions. The Islamic Republic has been inspirational because of its permanence, resistance and sincerity on this path - and the Iranian nation proved that it is sincere on this path. This inspiration is still there. Nations have awakened and they have found their path. And the enemies are continuing their hostility. Of course these hostilities create certain challenges. The Iranian nation is used to confronting such challenges. By Allah\\\'s favor, we will overcome all the challenges that the enemies create and we will achieve victory. Allah the Exalted has pre-ordained the establishment of brilliant Islamic truths in the world and He has also pre-ordained victory for the Iranian nation and ultimately for the Islamic Ummah.
I hope Allah the Exalted will bless all our people, our basijis and all our youth and government officials with the opportunity to continue this path. Everybody should know that they are responsible in these areas. All our government officials and people should know this. The people are present in the arena. The people are completely prepared in different areas and our government officials should appreciate our people and their preparedness. Our government officials should carry out their responsibilities in the three branches of government in the best possible way so that our nation can move forward in a coherent way.
Undoubtedly these Islamic movements around the world of Islam are permanent and progressive movements. Nations are awakening one after the other. The puppets of the arrogant powers will leave the scene one after the other and by Allah\\\'s favor, the power and glory of Islam will increase on a daily basis.
Dear God, help us be worthy of these great blessings. Make us be thankful for these great blessings. Dear God, enlighten our hearts with the light of Your love and knowledge and with the love and knowledge of your saints. Make us benefit from the prayers of the Imam of the Age (may our souls be sacrificed for his sake).
Greetings be upon you and Allah\\\'s mercy and blessings.
More...
Description:
Supreme Leader’s Speech to Basijis
28/11/2011
The following is the full text of the speech delivered on November 28, 2011 by Ayatollah Khamenei the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution to a group of basijis from different parts of the country.
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful
All praise is due to Allah, the Lord of the Worlds, and peace and greetings upon our Master, Muhammad, and upon his immaculate household, especially the one remaining with Allah on earth.
I am grateful to Allah the Exalted who gave me the opportunity to attend this glorious and excellent meeting. I would like to ask the brothers and sisters who are standing around the square to sit down so that we can have a discussion.
Today has coincided with the first day of the month of Muharram. The identity and nature of Basij are in harmony with the identity of Muharram and Ashura. Basij is proud of being a follower of the school of Ashura. Of course Ashura is the peak of self-sacrifice. The issue of Ashura and what happened to Hussein ibn Ali (a.s.) and his loyal companions have been identified in the entire history and the entire world with self-sacrifice and selfless efforts in the way of God and for a divine cause. But the issue of Ashura is not limited to this. Yes, self-sacrifice and martyrdom are the most prominent and significant aspect of Ashura, but there are also other truths in Ashura. From the beginning of the movement in Medina, the seeds of knowledge and insight were sowed: this is one of the characteristics of the event that happened on Ashura. If a people lack insight, different things will not help them improve their conditions and solve their problems. Therefore, purity, identifying the opportunities, sowing the seeds of a growing historical movement - these are among the important characteristics of Ashura. The event did not end on the noon of Ashura. In fact a movement started in history from the noon of Ashura, a movement whose scope is still widening and expanding and it will continue expanding in the future as well. Imam Hussein (a.s.) brought whatever he had into the arena in order to promote the word of God and save mankind. These are some of the characteristics that one can identify in the event that happened on Ashura.
Basij is following the same path. It is continuing the same movement. It is pursuing the same goals. It is using the same tools and means. Basij is from among the people and it was established for the sake of the people. It was established in order to further the great movement of a mujahid nation. Basij is present in defense, science, art, construction of the country, politics, culture, helping oppressed and helpless people, production, technology, furthering different affairs of the country, sports, international arenas and all righteous actions. This is the movement of Basij: a popular movement for the people, in the hearts of the people, from among the people, from among different social classes, from among women and men - young and old - from different professions. That is to say, an organization was established which was hezbollahi in the real sense of the word.
Basij is political in nature, but it is not intoxicated by political and partisan activities. Basij is a mujahid organization, but it is not without discipline. It is not radical. Basij is deeply pious and religious, but it is not rigid and superstitious. Basij is insightful, but it is not self-centered. Basij is inclusive - and I have recommended maximum inclusion - but it will not compromise principles. Basij is brave. It is the guardian of principles. Basij is a supporter of science, but it is not intoxicated with science. Basij enjoys Islamic characteristics and it is not hypocritical. Basij is involved in improving the world, but it does not have materialistic tendencies. And this is a culture.
The basiji culture includes the knowledge, methods and behaviors which can give rise to great things that guarantee the permanent Islamic movement of a nation on a straight path. This is a school of thought and it is not just an abstract concept: it has a manifestation in the real world. The movement of Basij changed the destiny of Iran and it even went beyond changing the destiny of Iran. From the first day, basijis continued their activities in different revolutionary arenas before and after the Revolution and their movement became permanent. It became a model. It went down in history in the name of the Iranian nation. Today the youth of New York and California are repeating the slogans of the people of Egypt and Tunisia. They are inspired by these nations and they do not deny this. And the youth of Egypt and Tunisia were inspired by Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad and they did not hide this. Basijis who were deployed by our magnanimous Imam (r.a.) started this inspiration in the modern world. Everybody learnt how to defeat the icons of materialistic power from our Imam\\\'s basijis and from our disabled war veterans, soldiers and selfless people. They learnt how to break idols in the name of God. They leant how to stand firm and how to resist.
Today the existence, movement and goals of Basij make us familiar with these truths. By relying on this culture, these teachings and this spirit, the Islamic Revolution and the revolutionary Iranian nation managed to accomplish many things which were considered impossible and this movement will continue. The hostility of the enemies cannot affect this. Of course the enemy will continue its hostility. We must not have any doubts in this regard. In fact an enemy should not be expected to behave otherwise. However, when we consider the great movement of the Iranian nation from the beginning of the Revolution to the present day, we see that there is a clear path. The Iranian nation is moving forward. It is moving towards the peak. It continues overcoming different challenges in different arenas and the enemies are forced to back down in this confrontation. With this movement, the Iranian nation will definitely achieve victory.
Today Islamic movements and uprisings are being witnessed throughout Islamic and Arab regions. This is exactly what has been expected since thirty years ago by those who were familiar with the nature of the Revolution. And in anticipation of such a thing, the enemies of the Revolution were trembling with fear for thirty years. They lived in fear of the events that have already happened today. Those who were hatching plots against the Islamic Revolution predicted such events and they happened. These events will continue and they will not stop.
Today Muslim people have risen up in the Arab region. They have become aware. They have awakened. The enemies cannot suppress them. They cannot change their path. The movement has already started and it has affected the conditions of the world. The movements that you see today in the western world - in America and in Europe - are indicative of great changes that the world will witness in the future.
We are not surprised by the response of the enemies. We are not surprised by the threats they make, the sanctions they impose and what the arrogant countries have been doing against the Islamic Republic during this time. They know that the Islamic Republic was the source of this movement. They know that it is the resistance of the Iranian nation that has managed to promote the idea in the region that it is possible to stand up against the power of the arrogant powers. The arrogant powers have always resolved their problems through intimidation. They intimidate nations and their leaders. When this technique is revealed and when nations realize that the power of the arrogant countries is superficial and not genuine, the arrogant powers will lose this weapon. And this is what has happened today. Therefore, they are angry and they pressure the Islamic Republic.
Of course they wrongly accuse the Islamic Republic of having started these movements. This is a baseless accusation. There is no need for such actions. The Islamic Republic has been inspirational because of its permanence, resistance and sincerity on this path - and the Iranian nation proved that it is sincere on this path. This inspiration is still there. Nations have awakened and they have found their path. And the enemies are continuing their hostility. Of course these hostilities create certain challenges. The Iranian nation is used to confronting such challenges. By Allah\\\'s favor, we will overcome all the challenges that the enemies create and we will achieve victory. Allah the Exalted has pre-ordained the establishment of brilliant Islamic truths in the world and He has also pre-ordained victory for the Iranian nation and ultimately for the Islamic Ummah.
I hope Allah the Exalted will bless all our people, our basijis and all our youth and government officials with the opportunity to continue this path. Everybody should know that they are responsible in these areas. All our government officials and people should know this. The people are present in the arena. The people are completely prepared in different areas and our government officials should appreciate our people and their preparedness. Our government officials should carry out their responsibilities in the three branches of government in the best possible way so that our nation can move forward in a coherent way.
Undoubtedly these Islamic movements around the world of Islam are permanent and progressive movements. Nations are awakening one after the other. The puppets of the arrogant powers will leave the scene one after the other and by Allah\\\'s favor, the power and glory of Islam will increase on a daily basis.
Dear God, help us be worthy of these great blessings. Make us be thankful for these great blessings. Dear God, enlighten our hearts with the light of Your love and knowledge and with the love and knowledge of your saints. Make us benefit from the prayers of the Imam of the Age (may our souls be sacrificed for his sake).
Greetings be upon you and Allah\\\'s mercy and blessings.
1:57
|
10:08
|
Tragic Scene of Oppression on Bibi Fatima Zahra (SA) - Farsi
"A day that ignited a fire in our hearts,
A day Where every true Shii't Cries Whole Heartedly,
A day where her voice Echoed Through The World
it made tonight a tragedy
Owh! Shia let your...
"A day that ignited a fire in our hearts,
A day Where every true Shii't Cries Whole Heartedly,
A day where her voice Echoed Through The World
it made tonight a tragedy
Owh! Shia let your hearts scream and Wail for this Calamity!"
"Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra!!"
I swear upon each crushed rib of this sacred flower
Humiliated, torn from her root, broken so sour...
I swear upon each tear that fell from her holy cheek
And curse upon the cursed and their evil clique...
I swear upon her unborn, as I give birth to this rhyme
An unborn, sinless, his presence his only crime...
I swear upon her scent, as roses give allegiance
That no fragrance touched the prophet but her presence...
I swear upon the echoes of her last voiceless nights
That I am her servant and the anchor of her light...
"Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra!!"
LABAIK YA SYEDA FATIMAH ZAHRA (sa)-YA UM'AY-ABE'HA..!!
LABAIK YA MEHDI-e-ZAHRA (as)..!!
LABAIK YA NA'AIB-e-MEHDI(as)
More...
Description:
"A day that ignited a fire in our hearts,
A day Where every true Shii't Cries Whole Heartedly,
A day where her voice Echoed Through The World
it made tonight a tragedy
Owh! Shia let your hearts scream and Wail for this Calamity!"
"Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra!!"
I swear upon each crushed rib of this sacred flower
Humiliated, torn from her root, broken so sour...
I swear upon each tear that fell from her holy cheek
And curse upon the cursed and their evil clique...
I swear upon her unborn, as I give birth to this rhyme
An unborn, sinless, his presence his only crime...
I swear upon her scent, as roses give allegiance
That no fragrance touched the prophet but her presence...
I swear upon the echoes of her last voiceless nights
That I am her servant and the anchor of her light...
"Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra! Ya Zahra!!"
LABAIK YA SYEDA FATIMAH ZAHRA (sa)-YA UM'AY-ABE'HA..!!
LABAIK YA MEHDI-e-ZAHRA (as)..!!
LABAIK YA NA'AIB-e-MEHDI(as)
12:54
|
Mango and Hikama Salad Part 1 - English
Mango and Hikama fruit salad with a surprising taste of mint and crispy crunchy fruits....
Recipe:
1 pear diced
1 mango diced
1 lemon juice and zest
1 lime juice and zest
1/2 hikama cubed...
Mango and Hikama fruit salad with a surprising taste of mint and crispy crunchy fruits....
Recipe:
1 pear diced
1 mango diced
1 lemon juice and zest
1 lime juice and zest
1/2 hikama cubed
2 to 3 pieces of lemon grass chopped finally
1 onion diced
1 apple diced
1 nectarine diced
1 cucumber deseeded and cubed
salt to taste
mint leaves
parsley leaves
1 tbsp fresh honey
sunflower seeds
pumpkin seeds
Method: Chop all the the fruits and veges add the lime juice, lime zest, lemon juice, lemon zest and combine put it all in a big bowl and top with the sunflower and pumpkin seeds just before serving!!!!!!1
More...
Description:
Mango and Hikama fruit salad with a surprising taste of mint and crispy crunchy fruits....
Recipe:
1 pear diced
1 mango diced
1 lemon juice and zest
1 lime juice and zest
1/2 hikama cubed
2 to 3 pieces of lemon grass chopped finally
1 onion diced
1 apple diced
1 nectarine diced
1 cucumber deseeded and cubed
salt to taste
mint leaves
parsley leaves
1 tbsp fresh honey
sunflower seeds
pumpkin seeds
Method: Chop all the the fruits and veges add the lime juice, lime zest, lemon juice, lemon zest and combine put it all in a big bowl and top with the sunflower and pumpkin seeds just before serving!!!!!!1
5:34
|
Mango and Hikama Salad Part 2 - English
Great Salad with mango, hikama, pear and more
Recipe: Please refer to part 1 of the mango and hikama salad
Great Salad with mango, hikama, pear and more
Recipe: Please refer to part 1 of the mango and hikama salad
12:33
|
Mango and Hikama Salad Part 3 - English
Mango and hikama salad with lots of crunch fruits and mint..
Recipe: Please refer to the part 1 of the mango and hikama salad
Mango and hikama salad with lots of crunch fruits and mint..
Recipe: Please refer to the part 1 of the mango and hikama salad
Saudi Ayatullah Sheikh Nimr: We Should Rejoice / No fear of Al E Saud - Arabic sub English
Saudi Ayatollah Nimr Al-Nimr Dares Saudi Regime to Attack Iran and Declares: We Are Loyal to Allah, Not to Saudi Arabia or its Royal Family Following are excerpts from a Friday sermon delivered by...
Saudi Ayatollah Nimr Al-Nimr Dares Saudi Regime to Attack Iran and Declares: We Are Loyal to Allah, Not to Saudi Arabia or its Royal Family Following are excerpts from a Friday sermon delivered by Saudi Ayatollah Nimr Al-Nimr, which was posted on the Internet on October 7, 2011. Nimr Baqir Al-Nimr is from the city of Awwamiyah in the eastern part of Saudi Arabia. He is an outspoken Shia cleric known for his criticism of the Saudi government and his constant call for freedom of religion, equality, and justice for the Shia minority in Saudi Arabia. In 2009, Al-Nimr said that the dignity of the Saudi Shia is more precious than the unity of the land, and suggested that Saudi Shia might secede from Saudi Arabia. Fearing arrest, Al-Nimr currently is in hiding. Nimr Al-Nimr: �For the past 100 years, we have been subjected to oppression, injustice, fear, and intimidation. From the moment you are born, you are surrounded by fear, intimidation, persecution, and abuse. We were born into an atmosphere of intimidation. We feared even the walls. Who among us is not familiar with the intimidation and injustice to which we have been subjected in this country? I am 55 years old, more than half a century. From the day I was born and to this day, I�ve never felt safe or secure in this country. �You are always being accused of something. You are always under threat. The head of the State Security Service admitted this to me in person. He said to me when I was arrested: �All you Shi�ites should be killed.� That is their logic. The head of the State Security Service in the Eastern Province said so himself. [...] �They are still plotting to carry out a massacre. They are more than welcome. We are here. Our blood is a small price to pay in defense of our values. We do not fear death. We long for martyrdom. [...] �A few months ago, the flame of honor was sparked in the spirits of the youth. The torch of freedom was lit. The people took to the streets demanding reform, honor, and freedom. There are people who have been held in prison unjustly for more than 16 years. In addition, the Peninsula Shield Force and the Saudi army invaded Bahrain. Then there were more and more arrests. �So who was it who instigated strife and unrest? [...] �The strife and unrest in Awwamiya were instigated by the regime, not the people. [...] �We will continue to defend both the veteran and the new prisoners. We will stand by them. We don�t mind being arrested, and joining them. We don�t even mind shedding our blood for their sake. We will continue to express even stronger solidarity with Bahrain. It is our own kin in Bahrain. Even if the Saudi army and the Peninsula Shield Force had not intervened, it still would have been our duty to stand by the people of Bahrain, our kin, let alone when the Saudi army takes part in oppression, the killing, the violation of women�s honor, and the plundering of money. [...] �[The Saudi regime says] that we are acting �at the behest of a foreign country.� They use that false pretext. By �foreign country� they mean Iran, of course. You can�t really tell if it�s Iran, Turkey, a European country, or the U.S., but they usually mean Iran. In December 1978, there was an Intifada to defend the honor of Awwamiya, when the riot police attacked the town. This was on December 10, 1978, before the Shah was deposed, before the Islamic Republic of Iran was even established. �It was in 1978 � four months before the fall of the Shah. A group of people convened to perform the religious rite of taziyeh for Imam Hussein. It had nothing to do with political or security matters, but the security forces arrived and attacked them, and a confrontation ensued. People were defending themselves, as well as their faith and their honor. That night, they arrested 100 people. This was in December 1978, prior to the fall of the Iranian [Shah]. So how can they talk about foreign interferen
More...
Description:
Saudi Ayatollah Nimr Al-Nimr Dares Saudi Regime to Attack Iran and Declares: We Are Loyal to Allah, Not to Saudi Arabia or its Royal Family Following are excerpts from a Friday sermon delivered by Saudi Ayatollah Nimr Al-Nimr, which was posted on the Internet on October 7, 2011. Nimr Baqir Al-Nimr is from the city of Awwamiyah in the eastern part of Saudi Arabia. He is an outspoken Shia cleric known for his criticism of the Saudi government and his constant call for freedom of religion, equality, and justice for the Shia minority in Saudi Arabia. In 2009, Al-Nimr said that the dignity of the Saudi Shia is more precious than the unity of the land, and suggested that Saudi Shia might secede from Saudi Arabia. Fearing arrest, Al-Nimr currently is in hiding. Nimr Al-Nimr: �For the past 100 years, we have been subjected to oppression, injustice, fear, and intimidation. From the moment you are born, you are surrounded by fear, intimidation, persecution, and abuse. We were born into an atmosphere of intimidation. We feared even the walls. Who among us is not familiar with the intimidation and injustice to which we have been subjected in this country? I am 55 years old, more than half a century. From the day I was born and to this day, I�ve never felt safe or secure in this country. �You are always being accused of something. You are always under threat. The head of the State Security Service admitted this to me in person. He said to me when I was arrested: �All you Shi�ites should be killed.� That is their logic. The head of the State Security Service in the Eastern Province said so himself. [...] �They are still plotting to carry out a massacre. They are more than welcome. We are here. Our blood is a small price to pay in defense of our values. We do not fear death. We long for martyrdom. [...] �A few months ago, the flame of honor was sparked in the spirits of the youth. The torch of freedom was lit. The people took to the streets demanding reform, honor, and freedom. There are people who have been held in prison unjustly for more than 16 years. In addition, the Peninsula Shield Force and the Saudi army invaded Bahrain. Then there were more and more arrests. �So who was it who instigated strife and unrest? [...] �The strife and unrest in Awwamiya were instigated by the regime, not the people. [...] �We will continue to defend both the veteran and the new prisoners. We will stand by them. We don�t mind being arrested, and joining them. We don�t even mind shedding our blood for their sake. We will continue to express even stronger solidarity with Bahrain. It is our own kin in Bahrain. Even if the Saudi army and the Peninsula Shield Force had not intervened, it still would have been our duty to stand by the people of Bahrain, our kin, let alone when the Saudi army takes part in oppression, the killing, the violation of women�s honor, and the plundering of money. [...] �[The Saudi regime says] that we are acting �at the behest of a foreign country.� They use that false pretext. By �foreign country� they mean Iran, of course. You can�t really tell if it�s Iran, Turkey, a European country, or the U.S., but they usually mean Iran. In December 1978, there was an Intifada to defend the honor of Awwamiya, when the riot police attacked the town. This was on December 10, 1978, before the Shah was deposed, before the Islamic Republic of Iran was even established. �It was in 1978 � four months before the fall of the Shah. A group of people convened to perform the religious rite of taziyeh for Imam Hussein. It had nothing to do with political or security matters, but the security forces arrived and attacked them, and a confrontation ensued. People were defending themselves, as well as their faith and their honor. That night, they arrested 100 people. This was in December 1978, prior to the fall of the Iranian [Shah]. So how can they talk about foreign interferen
1:42
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Imam Khomeiny über Imam as-Sadr (سید روح الله خمینی wموسى الصدر) - German
Im Jahre 1960 ging er in den Süden des Libanon, um als Nachfolger des drei Jahre zuvor verschiedenen Sayyid Abdalhussain Scharaffuddin al-Musawi die Position als islamisches Oberhaupt der dortigen...
Im Jahre 1960 ging er in den Süden des Libanon, um als Nachfolger des drei Jahre zuvor verschiedenen Sayyid Abdalhussain Scharaffuddin al-Musawi die Position als islamisches Oberhaupt der dortigen Schiiten zu übernehmen. Er begann sich dann, zusätzlich zu den religiösen Themen, auch für die Bedingungen des Lebens im Allgemeinen, insbesondere aber im sozialen Bereich, der armen Bevölkerung zu interessieren. 1969 wurde der Hohe Islamische Schiitische Rat gegründet und Sayyid as-Sadr wurde für eine Amtszeit von 6 Jahren als ihr Präsident gewählt und wurde allgemein als "Imam" bekannt. Anfang 1975 wurde er für eine weitere Amtsperiode, die bis zu seinem 65 Lebensjahr angedauert hätte (bis zum 15. Mai 1993) wieder gewählt.
Imam Mussa as-Sadr gründete viele soziale Institutionen, Berufsschulen, Krankenhäuser und Zentren zur Bekämpfung des Analphabetentums. Seine Aktivitäten gewannen an nationaler Aufmerksamkeit, als er auf die Gefahr eines Angriffs Israels gegen den Südlibanon hinwies, dessen Bevölkerung zum größten Teil Schiiten waren. Um jedoch zu verhindern, dass dieser Kampf spalterische Zielsetzungen annahm, richtete er 1971 ein Komitee ein, dass alle südlibanesischen geistlichen Oberhäupter einschloss (sowohl Muslime als auch Christen), um politischen und sozialen Aktivitäten effektiver nachgehen zu können.
Am 18. März 1974 leitete er eine Serie von Protestaktionen gegen die Vernachlässigung der Regierung von ländlichen Gebieten ein und gründete "Die Bewegung der Entrechteten", dessen Parole "kontinuierlicher Kampf bis es keine Entrechteten mehr im Libanon gibt" war. Während des Bürgerkriegs gründete er die Amal-Bewegung, die "Brigaden des libanesischen Widerstandes", ein militärisch ausgerichteter Flügel der "Bewegung der Entrechteten", welche zusammen mit der "Libanesischen Nationalen Bewegung" und dem "Palästinensischen Widerstand" gegen das Projekt der Aussiedlung der Palästinenser in den Libanon kämpfte.
Imam as-Sadr war nun bei allen geistlichen und politischen Lagern hoch geachtet, besonders aber bei den Christen aufgrund seiner Offenheit gegenüber ihnen. 1960 gründete er zusammen mit dem katholischen Erzbischof Grigoire Haddad die "Soziale Bewegung", nahm an dem Islamisch-Christlichen Dialog 1962 teil und hielt während der Osterfeierlichkeiten eine Rede in einer kapuzinischen Kirche eines christlichen Ordens. Er erlernte viele Sprachen und war ein bekannter Intellektueller. Imam Mussa as-Sadr spielte eine überaus wichtige Rolle in der libanesischen Politik.
Schließlich verschwand er Ende August 1978 während einer Reise durch den Libyen und wurde nie wieder gesehen. Seine Anhänger, die zunächst auf eine Art Verborgenheit hofften, machten dann später Ghaddafi für das Verschwinden verantwortlich.
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Im Jahre 1960 ging er in den Süden des Libanon, um als Nachfolger des drei Jahre zuvor verschiedenen Sayyid Abdalhussain Scharaffuddin al-Musawi die Position als islamisches Oberhaupt der dortigen Schiiten zu übernehmen. Er begann sich dann, zusätzlich zu den religiösen Themen, auch für die Bedingungen des Lebens im Allgemeinen, insbesondere aber im sozialen Bereich, der armen Bevölkerung zu interessieren. 1969 wurde der Hohe Islamische Schiitische Rat gegründet und Sayyid as-Sadr wurde für eine Amtszeit von 6 Jahren als ihr Präsident gewählt und wurde allgemein als "Imam" bekannt. Anfang 1975 wurde er für eine weitere Amtsperiode, die bis zu seinem 65 Lebensjahr angedauert hätte (bis zum 15. Mai 1993) wieder gewählt.
Imam Mussa as-Sadr gründete viele soziale Institutionen, Berufsschulen, Krankenhäuser und Zentren zur Bekämpfung des Analphabetentums. Seine Aktivitäten gewannen an nationaler Aufmerksamkeit, als er auf die Gefahr eines Angriffs Israels gegen den Südlibanon hinwies, dessen Bevölkerung zum größten Teil Schiiten waren. Um jedoch zu verhindern, dass dieser Kampf spalterische Zielsetzungen annahm, richtete er 1971 ein Komitee ein, dass alle südlibanesischen geistlichen Oberhäupter einschloss (sowohl Muslime als auch Christen), um politischen und sozialen Aktivitäten effektiver nachgehen zu können.
Am 18. März 1974 leitete er eine Serie von Protestaktionen gegen die Vernachlässigung der Regierung von ländlichen Gebieten ein und gründete "Die Bewegung der Entrechteten", dessen Parole "kontinuierlicher Kampf bis es keine Entrechteten mehr im Libanon gibt" war. Während des Bürgerkriegs gründete er die Amal-Bewegung, die "Brigaden des libanesischen Widerstandes", ein militärisch ausgerichteter Flügel der "Bewegung der Entrechteten", welche zusammen mit der "Libanesischen Nationalen Bewegung" und dem "Palästinensischen Widerstand" gegen das Projekt der Aussiedlung der Palästinenser in den Libanon kämpfte.
Imam as-Sadr war nun bei allen geistlichen und politischen Lagern hoch geachtet, besonders aber bei den Christen aufgrund seiner Offenheit gegenüber ihnen. 1960 gründete er zusammen mit dem katholischen Erzbischof Grigoire Haddad die "Soziale Bewegung", nahm an dem Islamisch-Christlichen Dialog 1962 teil und hielt während der Osterfeierlichkeiten eine Rede in einer kapuzinischen Kirche eines christlichen Ordens. Er erlernte viele Sprachen und war ein bekannter Intellektueller. Imam Mussa as-Sadr spielte eine überaus wichtige Rolle in der libanesischen Politik.
Schließlich verschwand er Ende August 1978 während einer Reise durch den Libyen und wurde nie wieder gesehen. Seine Anhänger, die zunächst auf eine Art Verborgenheit hofften, machten dann später Ghaddafi für das Verschwinden verantwortlich.
41:41
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[Ramadhan 2012][15] Tafseer Surah-e-Mulk - Moulana Taqi Agha - Urdu
Lecture 15
Tafseer-e-Qur\'an - Surah Mulk - Surah No 67
In the Name of Allah, the All-Beneficent, the All-Merciful.
Say, \"It is He who has produced you and made for you hearing and...
Lecture 15
Tafseer-e-Qur\'an - Surah Mulk - Surah No 67
In the Name of Allah, the All-Beneficent, the All-Merciful.
Say, \"It is He who has produced you and made for you hearing and vision and hearts; little are you grateful.\" (23) Say, \"It is He who has multiplied you throughout the earth, and to Him you will be gathered.\" (24) And they say, \"When is this promise, if you should be truthful?\" (25) Say, \"The knowledge is only with Allah, and I am only a clear warner.\" (26)
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Lecture 15
Tafseer-e-Qur\'an - Surah Mulk - Surah No 67
In the Name of Allah, the All-Beneficent, the All-Merciful.
Say, \"It is He who has produced you and made for you hearing and vision and hearts; little are you grateful.\" (23) Say, \"It is He who has multiplied you throughout the earth, and to Him you will be gathered.\" (24) And they say, \"When is this promise, if you should be truthful?\" (25) Say, \"The knowledge is only with Allah, and I am only a clear warner.\" (26)
1:51
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Regime in Bahrain - Rede von Fatima, die Tochter eines Märtyrers - Arabic Sub German
Die Demonstrationen gegen die Regierung in verschiedenen Regionen von Bahrain dauert (Stand Heute: 10.08.2012) weiter an.
Die bahrainischen Bürger haben am heutigen Freitag auf...
Die Demonstrationen gegen die Regierung in verschiedenen Regionen von Bahrain dauert (Stand Heute: 10.08.2012) weiter an.
Die bahrainischen Bürger haben am heutigen Freitag auf Demonstrationen in verschiedenen Regionen Bahrains den Sturz des Regimes von Ale Khalifa gefordert.
Die Demonstranten trugen die Fahne von Bahrain und skandierten Parolen gegen das Regime von Ale Khalifa. Sie forderten die Bildung einer Volksregierung und das Recht auf Bestimmung des Schicksals ihres Landes.
Die Kräfte des Regimes von Ale Khalifa griffen die Demonstranten an und beschossen sie mit giftigen Tränengaspatronen.
Der Aufstand der bahrainischen Bürger gegen das Regime von Ale Khalifa hat Mitte Februar 2011 begonnen. Bislang sind dabei tausende Bahrainer getötet, verletzt oder festgenommen worden.
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Die Demonstrationen gegen die Regierung in verschiedenen Regionen von Bahrain dauert (Stand Heute: 10.08.2012) weiter an.
Die bahrainischen Bürger haben am heutigen Freitag auf Demonstrationen in verschiedenen Regionen Bahrains den Sturz des Regimes von Ale Khalifa gefordert.
Die Demonstranten trugen die Fahne von Bahrain und skandierten Parolen gegen das Regime von Ale Khalifa. Sie forderten die Bildung einer Volksregierung und das Recht auf Bestimmung des Schicksals ihres Landes.
Die Kräfte des Regimes von Ale Khalifa griffen die Demonstranten an und beschossen sie mit giftigen Tränengaspatronen.
Der Aufstand der bahrainischen Bürger gegen das Regime von Ale Khalifa hat Mitte Februar 2011 begonnen. Bislang sind dabei tausende Bahrainer getötet, verletzt oder festgenommen worden.
0:52
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Sayyida Amina Sadr - Das Schweigen - Arabic Sub German
Amina Haidar al-Sadr, bekannt als Bint al-Huda bzw. Bintulhuda, war eine bekannte Autorin des 20. Jh. n.Chr. im Irak und Unterstützerin ihres Bruders Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr.
Sie wurde 1938 in...
Amina Haidar al-Sadr, bekannt als Bint al-Huda bzw. Bintulhuda, war eine bekannte Autorin des 20. Jh. n.Chr. im Irak und Unterstützerin ihres Bruders Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr.
Sie wurde 1938 in Kazimein geboren. Durch ihre eigene Ausbildung zur Gelehrtin und ihren Mut auch trotz Repressalien den Islam zu lehren, spielte sie eine wichtige Rolle bei der Ausbildung der Muslimas im Land.
Bintulhuda erkannte, dass Romane und Geschichten ein geeignetes Element in der damaligen Zeit waren, um die islamische Moral und Ethik zu verbreiten und schrieb entsprechende Bücher. So schrieb sie in den sechziger Jahren des 20. Jh. insbesondere Geschichten, welche für Frauen ansprechend waren.
Als 1979 ihr Bruder Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr im Auftrag von Saddam festgenommen wurde, mobilisierte sie große Menschenmassen, um gegen die Festnahme zu protestieren, was dann auch zur Freilassung führte. In 1980 wurde sie aber zusammen mit ihrem Bruder festgenommen. Nach dreitägiger Folter wurden sie am 8.4.1980 umgebracht und Märtyrer.
Ihre Werke wurden unter anderem ins Englische und Türkische übertragen.
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Amina Haidar al-Sadr, bekannt als Bint al-Huda bzw. Bintulhuda, war eine bekannte Autorin des 20. Jh. n.Chr. im Irak und Unterstützerin ihres Bruders Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr.
Sie wurde 1938 in Kazimein geboren. Durch ihre eigene Ausbildung zur Gelehrtin und ihren Mut auch trotz Repressalien den Islam zu lehren, spielte sie eine wichtige Rolle bei der Ausbildung der Muslimas im Land.
Bintulhuda erkannte, dass Romane und Geschichten ein geeignetes Element in der damaligen Zeit waren, um die islamische Moral und Ethik zu verbreiten und schrieb entsprechende Bücher. So schrieb sie in den sechziger Jahren des 20. Jh. insbesondere Geschichten, welche für Frauen ansprechend waren.
Als 1979 ihr Bruder Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr im Auftrag von Saddam festgenommen wurde, mobilisierte sie große Menschenmassen, um gegen die Festnahme zu protestieren, was dann auch zur Freilassung führte. In 1980 wurde sie aber zusammen mit ihrem Bruder festgenommen. Nach dreitägiger Folter wurden sie am 8.4.1980 umgebracht und Märtyrer.
Ihre Werke wurden unter anderem ins Englische und Türkische übertragen.
2:20
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Imam Khamenei wendet sich zu Imam Mahdi a.j - Persian Sub German
Imam Chamene\\\'i wendet sich an den
Statthalter der Zeit (a.)
Der mit Abstand schönste Teil der Rede war der Höhepunkt am Ende, als sich Imam Chamenei direkt an den Zwölften Imam...
Imam Chamene\\\'i wendet sich an den
Statthalter der Zeit (a.)
Der mit Abstand schönste Teil der Rede war der Höhepunkt am Ende, als sich Imam Chamenei direkt an den Zwölften Imam wandte. Dieser Teil der Rede hat seinen Anhängern alle Erschöpfungen der letzten Zeit genommen, sie vollständig aufgeladen und ihnen unvorstellbar viel Kraft gegeben, während er seine Gegner im Islamischen Staat endgültig entmutigt hat. Die Nichtmuslime hingegen werden völlig ahnungs- und verständnislos vor den Worten stehen und kein Stück verstehen, selbst wenn sie sich noch so sehr anstrengen, aber es ist nicht möglich! Sie haben eine Mauer vor ihre Herzen gebaut, dass sie diese Schönheit nicht sehen können. Wir versuchen die unvorstellbar schönen Worte mit einem Gesichtsausdruck der Liebe und Schönheit, einem Ausdruck voller Licht, hier in Worten wiederzugeben. Nach einer sehr die Herzen der Zuhörer berührenden Rede wendet Imam Chamenei sich zur völligen Überraschung aller Zuhörer plötzlich in direkter Rede an das eigentliche Staatsoberhaupt der Islamischen Republik Iran:
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Imam Chamene\\\'i wendet sich an den
Statthalter der Zeit (a.)
Der mit Abstand schönste Teil der Rede war der Höhepunkt am Ende, als sich Imam Chamenei direkt an den Zwölften Imam wandte. Dieser Teil der Rede hat seinen Anhängern alle Erschöpfungen der letzten Zeit genommen, sie vollständig aufgeladen und ihnen unvorstellbar viel Kraft gegeben, während er seine Gegner im Islamischen Staat endgültig entmutigt hat. Die Nichtmuslime hingegen werden völlig ahnungs- und verständnislos vor den Worten stehen und kein Stück verstehen, selbst wenn sie sich noch so sehr anstrengen, aber es ist nicht möglich! Sie haben eine Mauer vor ihre Herzen gebaut, dass sie diese Schönheit nicht sehen können. Wir versuchen die unvorstellbar schönen Worte mit einem Gesichtsausdruck der Liebe und Schönheit, einem Ausdruck voller Licht, hier in Worten wiederzugeben. Nach einer sehr die Herzen der Zuhörer berührenden Rede wendet Imam Chamenei sich zur völligen Überraschung aller Zuhörer plötzlich in direkter Rede an das eigentliche Staatsoberhaupt der Islamischen Republik Iran:
6:31
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Die Wahrheit von Ashura und Ali Alakbar von Imam Khamenei - Persian Sub German
Dieses Viedeo zeigt die Geschichte des tapferen helden Ali Al-Akbar. Ali Al-Akabr war der Sohn von Imam Hussein a.s er kämpfte mir seine Vater am Tage von Ashura und verteidigte die Wahrheit und...
Dieses Viedeo zeigt die Geschichte des tapferen helden Ali Al-Akbar. Ali Al-Akabr war der Sohn von Imam Hussein a.s er kämpfte mir seine Vater am Tage von Ashura und verteidigte die Wahrheit und opferte dafür sein Leben. Ashura ist eine Botschaft welches mit Blut von Imam Hussein a.s bezahlt worden ist. Jeder Mensch sollte diese Botschaft verstehen und aus dieser Schule lernen. Sei es in Islamischen Ländern oder in Nicht-islamischen Ländern ein Unterdrücker muss bekämpft werden.Imam Khomeinie q.s hat die Botschaft verstandne und in die tat umgesetzt. Mit Hilfe von Ashura verursachte er eine gewaltige Revolution gegen die Unterdrücker und änderte die Machtverhältnisse in der gesamten Welt. Durch Ashura wurde der Islam wiederbelebt sei es durch Imam Hussein der diese Schule aufgebaut hat oder von Imam Khomeinie der von dieser Schule gelernt hat.
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Dieses Viedeo zeigt die Geschichte des tapferen helden Ali Al-Akbar. Ali Al-Akabr war der Sohn von Imam Hussein a.s er kämpfte mir seine Vater am Tage von Ashura und verteidigte die Wahrheit und opferte dafür sein Leben. Ashura ist eine Botschaft welches mit Blut von Imam Hussein a.s bezahlt worden ist. Jeder Mensch sollte diese Botschaft verstehen und aus dieser Schule lernen. Sei es in Islamischen Ländern oder in Nicht-islamischen Ländern ein Unterdrücker muss bekämpft werden.Imam Khomeinie q.s hat die Botschaft verstandne und in die tat umgesetzt. Mit Hilfe von Ashura verursachte er eine gewaltige Revolution gegen die Unterdrücker und änderte die Machtverhältnisse in der gesamten Welt. Durch Ashura wurde der Islam wiederbelebt sei es durch Imam Hussein der diese Schule aufgebaut hat oder von Imam Khomeinie der von dieser Schule gelernt hat.
14:49
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Ayatollah Ruhollah al Khomeyni (ra) - Ein kurzer Ausschnitt aus seinem Leben - German
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (ra) - A snippet from his life.
Ayatollah Seyyed Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini wurde am 24. September 1902 in der Stadt Khomein geboren. Khomeini liegt 160 km...
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (ra) - A snippet from his life.
Ayatollah Seyyed Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini wurde am 24. September 1902 in der Stadt Khomein geboren. Khomeini liegt 160 km südwestlich von Qum. Er stammte aus einer sehr religiös gebildeten Familie. Seine Vorfahren, Nachkommen von Imam Musa Kazim (dem 7. Imam), migrierten im 18. Jahrhundert von ihrer Heimat Neyshabur (Provinz in Khorasan) nach Nord-Indien. Dort lebten sie als Bauern und widmeten sich den religiösen Fragen der dortigen Shia-Gemeinde zu.
Imam Khomeinis Großvater, Seyyed Ahmad, verließ Indien und ging nach Najaf zum Grab von Imam Ali. Dort traf er Yusuf Khan, einen berühmten Bürger von Khomeini. Yusuf Khan bat ihn nach Khomeini zu kommen und sich um die dortige Gemeinde zu kümmern. Seyyed Ahmad nahm die Einladung an und zog nach Khomein. Dort heiratete er die Tochter von Yusuf Khan, mit der er zwei gesunde Kinder zeugte. Seine Tochter hieß Sahiba und sein Sohn Seyyed Mostafa (wurde 1885 geboren). Seyyed Mostafa, der Vater von Imam Khomeini, begann früh mit dem Studium des Islams. Er studierte in Isfahan, Najaf und Samarra. Nach seinem Studium kehrte Seyyed Mostafa nach Khomein zurück und heiratete Hajar, die Mutter von Imam Khomeini. Im März 1903 verlor der erst 5 Monate alte Imam Khomeini seinen Vater. 1918 starben seine Tante Sahiba und seine Mutter Hajar. Die Verantwortung für Imam Khomeini, übernahm sein älterer Bruder Seyyed Morteza (der später unter dem Namen Ayatollah Pasandideh bekannt wurde).
Imam Khomeini begann sein Islam-Studium mit dem Auswendiglernen des heiligen Qurans in einem Maktab (religiösen Schule). 1923 ging der Imam nach Qum, wo er sein Studium fortsetzte. Er erwarb sich durch seine Bücher und seinen Urteilen viel Respekt unter den Gelehrten. Bald akzeptierte man ihn als Quelle der Nachahmung (Marja al-Taqlid). Im Winter 1962 kam er zu einer Gesetzesänderungen im Iran. Die gewählten Politiker sollten fortan bei ihrer Amtseinführung, nicht mehr auf den Quran schwören. Daraufhin schrieb Imam Khomeini eine Nachricht an den damaligen König des Irans, Mohammad Reza Shah und dem Premierminister des Landes. Er warnte sie die Gesetze des Islams aus der Verfassung von 1907 zu streichen. Die Ulama (die islamischen Gelehrten) würden solche Verfassungsänderungen nicht akzeptieren und eine Protestkampagne starten.
Im Januar 1963 stellte der Shah unter dem Druck der USA sein Sechs-Punkte-Programm vor, die sogenannte Weiße Revolution. Dieses Programm sollte dem Iran verwestlichen und ein liberaleres Gesicht verleihen. Imam Khomeini veranstaltete ein Treffen in Qum, um die Lage mit den Gelehrten zu bereden. Sie beschlossen Ayatollah Kamalvand zum Shah zu schicken, damit sie sich ein Bild von den Absichten des Shahs machen konnten. Der Shah war zu keinem Kompromiss bereit und wollte sein Sechs-Punkte-Programm durchziehen. Daraufhin schrieb Imam Khomeini einen sehr kritischen Artikel über den Shah. Zwei Tage später antwortete der Shah zurück und beleidigte die Ulama (Gelehrten) von Qum. Imam Khomeini gab nicht nach und sammelte Unterschriften von Gelehrten gegen den Shah und seine Pläne. Er kritisierte die Ausbreitung der Unmoral und warf dem Shah vor, die Politik von den USA und Israel auszuführen.
weiterlesen: http://al-shia.de/persoenlichkeiten/khomeini.htm
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Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (ra) - A snippet from his life.
Ayatollah Seyyed Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini wurde am 24. September 1902 in der Stadt Khomein geboren. Khomeini liegt 160 km südwestlich von Qum. Er stammte aus einer sehr religiös gebildeten Familie. Seine Vorfahren, Nachkommen von Imam Musa Kazim (dem 7. Imam), migrierten im 18. Jahrhundert von ihrer Heimat Neyshabur (Provinz in Khorasan) nach Nord-Indien. Dort lebten sie als Bauern und widmeten sich den religiösen Fragen der dortigen Shia-Gemeinde zu.
Imam Khomeinis Großvater, Seyyed Ahmad, verließ Indien und ging nach Najaf zum Grab von Imam Ali. Dort traf er Yusuf Khan, einen berühmten Bürger von Khomeini. Yusuf Khan bat ihn nach Khomeini zu kommen und sich um die dortige Gemeinde zu kümmern. Seyyed Ahmad nahm die Einladung an und zog nach Khomein. Dort heiratete er die Tochter von Yusuf Khan, mit der er zwei gesunde Kinder zeugte. Seine Tochter hieß Sahiba und sein Sohn Seyyed Mostafa (wurde 1885 geboren). Seyyed Mostafa, der Vater von Imam Khomeini, begann früh mit dem Studium des Islams. Er studierte in Isfahan, Najaf und Samarra. Nach seinem Studium kehrte Seyyed Mostafa nach Khomein zurück und heiratete Hajar, die Mutter von Imam Khomeini. Im März 1903 verlor der erst 5 Monate alte Imam Khomeini seinen Vater. 1918 starben seine Tante Sahiba und seine Mutter Hajar. Die Verantwortung für Imam Khomeini, übernahm sein älterer Bruder Seyyed Morteza (der später unter dem Namen Ayatollah Pasandideh bekannt wurde).
Imam Khomeini begann sein Islam-Studium mit dem Auswendiglernen des heiligen Qurans in einem Maktab (religiösen Schule). 1923 ging der Imam nach Qum, wo er sein Studium fortsetzte. Er erwarb sich durch seine Bücher und seinen Urteilen viel Respekt unter den Gelehrten. Bald akzeptierte man ihn als Quelle der Nachahmung (Marja al-Taqlid). Im Winter 1962 kam er zu einer Gesetzesänderungen im Iran. Die gewählten Politiker sollten fortan bei ihrer Amtseinführung, nicht mehr auf den Quran schwören. Daraufhin schrieb Imam Khomeini eine Nachricht an den damaligen König des Irans, Mohammad Reza Shah und dem Premierminister des Landes. Er warnte sie die Gesetze des Islams aus der Verfassung von 1907 zu streichen. Die Ulama (die islamischen Gelehrten) würden solche Verfassungsänderungen nicht akzeptieren und eine Protestkampagne starten.
Im Januar 1963 stellte der Shah unter dem Druck der USA sein Sechs-Punkte-Programm vor, die sogenannte Weiße Revolution. Dieses Programm sollte dem Iran verwestlichen und ein liberaleres Gesicht verleihen. Imam Khomeini veranstaltete ein Treffen in Qum, um die Lage mit den Gelehrten zu bereden. Sie beschlossen Ayatollah Kamalvand zum Shah zu schicken, damit sie sich ein Bild von den Absichten des Shahs machen konnten. Der Shah war zu keinem Kompromiss bereit und wollte sein Sechs-Punkte-Programm durchziehen. Daraufhin schrieb Imam Khomeini einen sehr kritischen Artikel über den Shah. Zwei Tage später antwortete der Shah zurück und beleidigte die Ulama (Gelehrten) von Qum. Imam Khomeini gab nicht nach und sammelte Unterschriften von Gelehrten gegen den Shah und seine Pläne. Er kritisierte die Ausbreitung der Unmoral und warf dem Shah vor, die Politik von den USA und Israel auszuführen.
weiterlesen: http://al-shia.de/persoenlichkeiten/khomeini.htm
28:45
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7:04
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Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah- erste Botschaft im Krieg 2006 - Arabic Sub German
Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah- erste Botschaft im Krieg 2006 (deutsche Untertitel)
\"Die Überraschungen beginnen von jetzt an\"
Diese Botschaft ist einmalig in der Geschichte!...
Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah- erste Botschaft im Krieg 2006 (deutsche Untertitel)
\"Die Überraschungen beginnen von jetzt an\"
Diese Botschaft ist einmalig in der Geschichte!
(ich bitte zu entschtuldigen, dass die Übersetzung ziemlich am Ende um ein Wort unvollständig ist)
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Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah- erste Botschaft im Krieg 2006 (deutsche Untertitel)
\"Die Überraschungen beginnen von jetzt an\"
Diese Botschaft ist einmalig in der Geschichte!
(ich bitte zu entschtuldigen, dass die Übersetzung ziemlich am Ende um ein Wort unvollständig ist)
11:33
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Fat Free Pineapple And Pistachio Fluff! - English
The best fat free yummalicious dessert in the universe, bet you can\'t have just one bite and walk away!
Ing:
2 boxes pistachio instant jello pudding mix
11/2 cups skim milk (I used 2%...
The best fat free yummalicious dessert in the universe, bet you can\'t have just one bite and walk away!
Ing:
2 boxes pistachio instant jello pudding mix
11/2 cups skim milk (I used 2% milk)
2 16-20 oz cans of crushed pineapple (drained)
1 16-20 oz can of pineapple tidbits (drained)
8 oz fat free cool whip
8 oz fat free sour cream
1/2 cup of nuts of your choice
1 8 oz can of mandarin oranges (drained) for garnishing
1/4 cup of pomegranates for garnishing
fresh mint for garnishing
Method:
In a big bowl put both the boxes of pudding in it and add the milk, with a mix stir to make a very thick pudding, to this add the sour cream and give a good mix, next add the crushed and the pineapple tidbits, make sure everything has mixed really well together, next add the cool whip and fold the cool whip in the mixture making sure all the ingredients are incorporated really well. Lastly you can garnish how ever you like using whatever fruit you like I am using the mandarin oranges and pomegranates... Hope you enjoy this recipe as much as my family and I do!!!
More...
Description:
The best fat free yummalicious dessert in the universe, bet you can\'t have just one bite and walk away!
Ing:
2 boxes pistachio instant jello pudding mix
11/2 cups skim milk (I used 2% milk)
2 16-20 oz cans of crushed pineapple (drained)
1 16-20 oz can of pineapple tidbits (drained)
8 oz fat free cool whip
8 oz fat free sour cream
1/2 cup of nuts of your choice
1 8 oz can of mandarin oranges (drained) for garnishing
1/4 cup of pomegranates for garnishing
fresh mint for garnishing
Method:
In a big bowl put both the boxes of pudding in it and add the milk, with a mix stir to make a very thick pudding, to this add the sour cream and give a good mix, next add the crushed and the pineapple tidbits, make sure everything has mixed really well together, next add the cool whip and fold the cool whip in the mixture making sure all the ingredients are incorporated really well. Lastly you can garnish how ever you like using whatever fruit you like I am using the mandarin oranges and pomegranates... Hope you enjoy this recipe as much as my family and I do!!!
2:49
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50.000 Schiiten im Libanon in einem Jahr - Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah (h) - Arabic Sub German
Der Generalsekretär der Partei Gottes im Libanon, widerlegt die Behauptungen mancher Propagandisten, dass die Hisbollah angeblich sunnitische Gefolgsmänner zur Shia bekehrt.
Wenn die Hisbollah...
Der Generalsekretär der Partei Gottes im Libanon, widerlegt die Behauptungen mancher Propagandisten, dass die Hisbollah angeblich sunnitische Gefolgsmänner zur Shia bekehrt.
Wenn die Hisbollah mehr Schiiten braucht,dann rekrutiert man sie aus den eignen Reihen und braucht sich nicht die Mühen zu machen einzelne Sunniten zur Shia zu bekehren.
Mehr über Sayyed Hassan:
Seine Partei (Hisbollah) ist durch den Sieg gegen die israelische Armee berühmt geworden. Der Rückzug der IDF im Mai 2000 und der Gefangenenaustausch mit Israel (Übergabe unter anderem am Kölner Flughafen) weckte die Aufmerksamkeit der Menschen in Deutschland. Nach dem Terroranschlag an den libanesischen Politiker Rafik al-Hariri, warnten die Medien vor einem neuen Bürgerkrieg. Wochenlang demonstrierten mehrere Tausend Libanesen für den Abzug syrischer Truppen. Doch schon bald darauf kam die Gegenreaktion.
Über eine Million Menschen folgten dem Aufruf des charismatisch wirkenden Generalsekretärs der Hizbollah, Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah. Er hielt eine packende Rede vor der riesigen Menschenmenge und machte in den Medien große Schlagzeilen. Gegen die ausländische Einmischung richtete sich seine Rede. Doch wer ist dieser Mann, dessen Aufruf nicht nur Muslime, sondern auch Christen und Drusen auf die Straßen trieb? Islamische Halbmonde und christliche Kreuze sah man vereint auf den Flaggen der Demonstranten. Wer ist dieser Mann, der die Menschen unterschiedlicher Anschauungen auf dem \"Place de Martyr\" zusammenbringen konnte?
weiterlesen: http://al-shia.de/persoenlichkeiten/hassannasrallah.htm
More...
Description:
Der Generalsekretär der Partei Gottes im Libanon, widerlegt die Behauptungen mancher Propagandisten, dass die Hisbollah angeblich sunnitische Gefolgsmänner zur Shia bekehrt.
Wenn die Hisbollah mehr Schiiten braucht,dann rekrutiert man sie aus den eignen Reihen und braucht sich nicht die Mühen zu machen einzelne Sunniten zur Shia zu bekehren.
Mehr über Sayyed Hassan:
Seine Partei (Hisbollah) ist durch den Sieg gegen die israelische Armee berühmt geworden. Der Rückzug der IDF im Mai 2000 und der Gefangenenaustausch mit Israel (Übergabe unter anderem am Kölner Flughafen) weckte die Aufmerksamkeit der Menschen in Deutschland. Nach dem Terroranschlag an den libanesischen Politiker Rafik al-Hariri, warnten die Medien vor einem neuen Bürgerkrieg. Wochenlang demonstrierten mehrere Tausend Libanesen für den Abzug syrischer Truppen. Doch schon bald darauf kam die Gegenreaktion.
Über eine Million Menschen folgten dem Aufruf des charismatisch wirkenden Generalsekretärs der Hizbollah, Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah. Er hielt eine packende Rede vor der riesigen Menschenmenge und machte in den Medien große Schlagzeilen. Gegen die ausländische Einmischung richtete sich seine Rede. Doch wer ist dieser Mann, dessen Aufruf nicht nur Muslime, sondern auch Christen und Drusen auf die Straßen trieb? Islamische Halbmonde und christliche Kreuze sah man vereint auf den Flaggen der Demonstranten. Wer ist dieser Mann, der die Menschen unterschiedlicher Anschauungen auf dem \"Place de Martyr\" zusammenbringen konnte?
weiterlesen: http://al-shia.de/persoenlichkeiten/hassannasrallah.htm
2:08
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Sahifa Kamilah - Dua for Saturday - Urdu
O Allah! Send blessing on Muhammad and on the children of Muhammad.
In the name of Allah the Beneficent, the Merciful.
\"Bismillah\" words that seekers of sanctuary repeatedly...
O Allah! Send blessing on Muhammad and on the children of Muhammad.
In the name of Allah the Beneficent, the Merciful.
\"Bismillah\" words that seekers of sanctuary repeatedly recite, word that the very cautious, in search of protection, often repeat. for the I seek refuge with Allah, the Exalted above all, from the oppression of the unjust, from the deceitful malice the envious (use) to lay snares and traps, from the injustice and outrage of the tyrants, and I sing His praise, do better and go beyond other praisers.
O Allah, Thou art One, has no partner; and is the Lord—Master, without being made; there is no discrepancy or nonsense in Thy commands, nor there is lawlessness in Thy Kingdom, I beseech Thee, to send blessings on Muhammad, Thy servant, Thy Messenger; to let me ask Thee for enlightenment and inspiration so as to be thankful for Thy bounties, which alone get Thy approval ultimately; to help me to obey Thee, and instinctively worship Thee; and make me deserve Thy rewards on account of Thy very kind patronage; and have mercy on me and prevent me from breaking in the bounds of (Thy) prohibitions, as far as I am kept alive, and show the way unto that which is useful and advantageous till I go on (survive); to let me take to heart the meanings of Thy Book, and, by its reading, throw down the heavy burden (of sins), and receive welfare and salvation, as a gift; let not my family and friends, who love me, leave me alone, let Thy favours reach me, in abundance, during the remainder of my life, exactly as they used to be made available for me, in full in the days gone by, O the Most Merciful.
O Allah! Send blessings on Muhammad and on the children of Muhammad
More...
Description:
O Allah! Send blessing on Muhammad and on the children of Muhammad.
In the name of Allah the Beneficent, the Merciful.
\"Bismillah\" words that seekers of sanctuary repeatedly recite, word that the very cautious, in search of protection, often repeat. for the I seek refuge with Allah, the Exalted above all, from the oppression of the unjust, from the deceitful malice the envious (use) to lay snares and traps, from the injustice and outrage of the tyrants, and I sing His praise, do better and go beyond other praisers.
O Allah, Thou art One, has no partner; and is the Lord—Master, without being made; there is no discrepancy or nonsense in Thy commands, nor there is lawlessness in Thy Kingdom, I beseech Thee, to send blessings on Muhammad, Thy servant, Thy Messenger; to let me ask Thee for enlightenment and inspiration so as to be thankful for Thy bounties, which alone get Thy approval ultimately; to help me to obey Thee, and instinctively worship Thee; and make me deserve Thy rewards on account of Thy very kind patronage; and have mercy on me and prevent me from breaking in the bounds of (Thy) prohibitions, as far as I am kept alive, and show the way unto that which is useful and advantageous till I go on (survive); to let me take to heart the meanings of Thy Book, and, by its reading, throw down the heavy burden (of sins), and receive welfare and salvation, as a gift; let not my family and friends, who love me, leave me alone, let Thy favours reach me, in abundance, during the remainder of my life, exactly as they used to be made available for me, in full in the days gone by, O the Most Merciful.
O Allah! Send blessings on Muhammad and on the children of Muhammad
1:30
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[18th February 2013] Calgary Protest against Genocide in Pakistan - All Languages Other
An analyst says Pakistan has reacted coldheartedly to the recent Shia carnage in the country as it could have been controlled with ‘better intelligence, better vigilance and above all the resolve...
An analyst says Pakistan has reacted coldheartedly to the recent Shia carnage in the country as it could have been controlled with ‘better intelligence, better vigilance and above all the resolve to do so.’
The comment comes as the death toll from a bomb attack targeting Shia Muslims in a market in Pakistan has climbed to 90, as the victims\' families continue their sit-in for the second consecutive day in the city of Quetta demanding government protection.
The bombing tore through the crowded vegetable market in the town of Hazara, on the outskirts of Quetta in Pakistan’s southwestern Baluchistan Province, on Saturday. The area is mostly inhabited by Shia Muslims.
On Tuesday, the mourning relatives of the victims refused to bury the bodies of their loved ones unless the government takes concrete actions and finds the perpetrators of the slaughter.
Press TV has conducted an interview with Islamabad-based political and security analyst Sultan Mahmood Hali to further discuss the issue. What follows is an approximate transcription of the interview.
Press TV: Mr. Hali welcome to the program. Would you go as far as saying that the government in Pakistan as the Hazara community is saying is responsible for a rise in the Shia killings?
Hali: Well, I won’t hold the government of Pakistan responsible for Shia killings but I would definitely call it a certain amount of callousness because they have not been able to protect the lives of the Hazaras.
What happened on January 10th this year was a terrible situation in which nearly a hundred Hazaras were killed and then they staged a demonstration refusing to bury their dead and what they are doing now is an instant replay of the same.
But as a result of that previous showdown the demand of the Hazaras was that the inept provincial government should be dismissed which it was and a government’s rule has been imposed but apparently if such a massive attack has taken place in which as reports indicate that the bomb was hidden in a major trailer then I think it is not only a failure of the intelligence agency but also the failure of the governor who had promised to look after the Hazaras.
Now you see if there is a will there is a way. If you recall just about a year or so back in Baluchistan there was a major targeting of the non-Baluchi settlers in Baluchistan at which the government cracked down and managed to stop that particular attack.
So why can’t they do that now for the Hazaras? Are the Hazaras dispensable? No they are not. They are very much a part of Pakistan. So the only thing which must be done is that desperate times call for desperate measures and the Hazaras are demanding that the Pakistan army be called in.
Unless the Pakistani army is called in although that’s the last resort but perhaps that will have to be taken to prevent the loss of more innocent lives.
Press TV: Mr. Hali just quickly, we are a bit short of time. We did see the new Baluchistan governor saying that the security forces or the government forces are scared of the militants and that’s why they’re not taking action. Some were saying that this is just shifting the blame; that actually the government is knowingly not taking action?
Hali: Well, I’m afraid there is an element of truth in it. As I just told you that there was an incident earlier in which the non-Baluchis were being targeted.
So if the government decides to take a very stern action, they can very well control this because the militants after all at the end of the day they are humans, they are not super humans.
So I am sure they can be controlled with better intelligence, with better vigilance and more importantly the resolve to get to them.
MUST WACTH - Hal Min Nasirin YanSurna -هل من ناصر ينصرنا- Is there anyone to help me - Imam HUSSAIN (a.s). Respond to the call of Imam Hussain a.s. and Imam e Zamana (a.t.f.s).
More...
Description:
An analyst says Pakistan has reacted coldheartedly to the recent Shia carnage in the country as it could have been controlled with ‘better intelligence, better vigilance and above all the resolve to do so.’
The comment comes as the death toll from a bomb attack targeting Shia Muslims in a market in Pakistan has climbed to 90, as the victims\' families continue their sit-in for the second consecutive day in the city of Quetta demanding government protection.
The bombing tore through the crowded vegetable market in the town of Hazara, on the outskirts of Quetta in Pakistan’s southwestern Baluchistan Province, on Saturday. The area is mostly inhabited by Shia Muslims.
On Tuesday, the mourning relatives of the victims refused to bury the bodies of their loved ones unless the government takes concrete actions and finds the perpetrators of the slaughter.
Press TV has conducted an interview with Islamabad-based political and security analyst Sultan Mahmood Hali to further discuss the issue. What follows is an approximate transcription of the interview.
Press TV: Mr. Hali welcome to the program. Would you go as far as saying that the government in Pakistan as the Hazara community is saying is responsible for a rise in the Shia killings?
Hali: Well, I won’t hold the government of Pakistan responsible for Shia killings but I would definitely call it a certain amount of callousness because they have not been able to protect the lives of the Hazaras.
What happened on January 10th this year was a terrible situation in which nearly a hundred Hazaras were killed and then they staged a demonstration refusing to bury their dead and what they are doing now is an instant replay of the same.
But as a result of that previous showdown the demand of the Hazaras was that the inept provincial government should be dismissed which it was and a government’s rule has been imposed but apparently if such a massive attack has taken place in which as reports indicate that the bomb was hidden in a major trailer then I think it is not only a failure of the intelligence agency but also the failure of the governor who had promised to look after the Hazaras.
Now you see if there is a will there is a way. If you recall just about a year or so back in Baluchistan there was a major targeting of the non-Baluchi settlers in Baluchistan at which the government cracked down and managed to stop that particular attack.
So why can’t they do that now for the Hazaras? Are the Hazaras dispensable? No they are not. They are very much a part of Pakistan. So the only thing which must be done is that desperate times call for desperate measures and the Hazaras are demanding that the Pakistan army be called in.
Unless the Pakistani army is called in although that’s the last resort but perhaps that will have to be taken to prevent the loss of more innocent lives.
Press TV: Mr. Hali just quickly, we are a bit short of time. We did see the new Baluchistan governor saying that the security forces or the government forces are scared of the militants and that’s why they’re not taking action. Some were saying that this is just shifting the blame; that actually the government is knowingly not taking action?
Hali: Well, I’m afraid there is an element of truth in it. As I just told you that there was an incident earlier in which the non-Baluchis were being targeted.
So if the government decides to take a very stern action, they can very well control this because the militants after all at the end of the day they are humans, they are not super humans.
So I am sure they can be controlled with better intelligence, with better vigilance and more importantly the resolve to get to them.
MUST WACTH - Hal Min Nasirin YanSurna -هل من ناصر ينصرنا- Is there anyone to help me - Imam HUSSAIN (a.s). Respond to the call of Imam Hussain a.s. and Imam e Zamana (a.t.f.s).
1:14
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[18th February 2013] Calgary Protest against Genocide in Pakistan - All Languages Other
An analyst says Pakistan has reacted coldheartedly to the recent Shia carnage in the country as it could have been controlled with ‘better intelligence, better vigilance and above all the resolve...
An analyst says Pakistan has reacted coldheartedly to the recent Shia carnage in the country as it could have been controlled with ‘better intelligence, better vigilance and above all the resolve to do so.’
The comment comes as the death toll from a bomb attack targeting Shia Muslims in a market in Pakistan has climbed to 90, as the victims\' families continue their sit-in for the second consecutive day in the city of Quetta demanding government protection.
The bombing tore through the crowded vegetable market in the town of Hazara, on the outskirts of Quetta in Pakistan’s southwestern Baluchistan Province, on Saturday. The area is mostly inhabited by Shia Muslims.
On Tuesday, the mourning relatives of the victims refused to bury the bodies of their loved ones unless the government takes concrete actions and finds the perpetrators of the slaughter.
Press TV has conducted an interview with Islamabad-based political and security analyst Sultan Mahmood Hali to further discuss the issue. What follows is an approximate transcription of the interview.
Press TV: Mr. Hali welcome to the program. Would you go as far as saying that the government in Pakistan as the Hazara community is saying is responsible for a rise in the Shia killings?
Hali: Well, I won’t hold the government of Pakistan responsible for Shia killings but I would definitely call it a certain amount of callousness because they have not been able to protect the lives of the Hazaras.
What happened on January 10th this year was a terrible situation in which nearly a hundred Hazaras were killed and then they staged a demonstration refusing to bury their dead and what they are doing now is an instant replay of the same.
But as a result of that previous showdown the demand of the Hazaras was that the inept provincial government should be dismissed which it was and a government’s rule has been imposed but apparently if such a massive attack has taken place in which as reports indicate that the bomb was hidden in a major trailer then I think it is not only a failure of the intelligence agency but also the failure of the governor who had promised to look after the Hazaras.
Now you see if there is a will there is a way. If you recall just about a year or so back in Baluchistan there was a major targeting of the non-Baluchi settlers in Baluchistan at which the government cracked down and managed to stop that particular attack.
So why can’t they do that now for the Hazaras? Are the Hazaras dispensable? No they are not. They are very much a part of Pakistan. So the only thing which must be done is that desperate times call for desperate measures and the Hazaras are demanding that the Pakistan army be called in.
Unless the Pakistani army is called in although that’s the last resort but perhaps that will have to be taken to prevent the loss of more innocent lives.
Press TV: Mr. Hali just quickly, we are a bit short of time. We did see the new Baluchistan governor saying that the security forces or the government forces are scared of the militants and that’s why they’re not taking action. Some were saying that this is just shifting the blame; that actually the government is knowingly not taking action?
Hali: Well, I’m afraid there is an element of truth in it. As I just told you that there was an incident earlier in which the non-Baluchis were being targeted.
So if the government decides to take a very stern action, they can very well control this because the militants after all at the end of the day they are humans, they are not super humans.
So I am sure they can be controlled with better intelligence, with better vigilance and more importantly the resolve to get to them.
MUST WACTH - Hal Min Nasirin YanSurna -هل من ناصر ينصرنا- Is there anyone to help me - Imam HUSSAIN (a.s). Respond to the call of Imam Hussain a.s. and Imam e Zamana (a.t.f.s).
More...
Description:
An analyst says Pakistan has reacted coldheartedly to the recent Shia carnage in the country as it could have been controlled with ‘better intelligence, better vigilance and above all the resolve to do so.’
The comment comes as the death toll from a bomb attack targeting Shia Muslims in a market in Pakistan has climbed to 90, as the victims\' families continue their sit-in for the second consecutive day in the city of Quetta demanding government protection.
The bombing tore through the crowded vegetable market in the town of Hazara, on the outskirts of Quetta in Pakistan’s southwestern Baluchistan Province, on Saturday. The area is mostly inhabited by Shia Muslims.
On Tuesday, the mourning relatives of the victims refused to bury the bodies of their loved ones unless the government takes concrete actions and finds the perpetrators of the slaughter.
Press TV has conducted an interview with Islamabad-based political and security analyst Sultan Mahmood Hali to further discuss the issue. What follows is an approximate transcription of the interview.
Press TV: Mr. Hali welcome to the program. Would you go as far as saying that the government in Pakistan as the Hazara community is saying is responsible for a rise in the Shia killings?
Hali: Well, I won’t hold the government of Pakistan responsible for Shia killings but I would definitely call it a certain amount of callousness because they have not been able to protect the lives of the Hazaras.
What happened on January 10th this year was a terrible situation in which nearly a hundred Hazaras were killed and then they staged a demonstration refusing to bury their dead and what they are doing now is an instant replay of the same.
But as a result of that previous showdown the demand of the Hazaras was that the inept provincial government should be dismissed which it was and a government’s rule has been imposed but apparently if such a massive attack has taken place in which as reports indicate that the bomb was hidden in a major trailer then I think it is not only a failure of the intelligence agency but also the failure of the governor who had promised to look after the Hazaras.
Now you see if there is a will there is a way. If you recall just about a year or so back in Baluchistan there was a major targeting of the non-Baluchi settlers in Baluchistan at which the government cracked down and managed to stop that particular attack.
So why can’t they do that now for the Hazaras? Are the Hazaras dispensable? No they are not. They are very much a part of Pakistan. So the only thing which must be done is that desperate times call for desperate measures and the Hazaras are demanding that the Pakistan army be called in.
Unless the Pakistani army is called in although that’s the last resort but perhaps that will have to be taken to prevent the loss of more innocent lives.
Press TV: Mr. Hali just quickly, we are a bit short of time. We did see the new Baluchistan governor saying that the security forces or the government forces are scared of the militants and that’s why they’re not taking action. Some were saying that this is just shifting the blame; that actually the government is knowingly not taking action?
Hali: Well, I’m afraid there is an element of truth in it. As I just told you that there was an incident earlier in which the non-Baluchis were being targeted.
So if the government decides to take a very stern action, they can very well control this because the militants after all at the end of the day they are humans, they are not super humans.
So I am sure they can be controlled with better intelligence, with better vigilance and more importantly the resolve to get to them.
MUST WACTH - Hal Min Nasirin YanSurna -هل من ناصر ينصرنا- Is there anyone to help me - Imam HUSSAIN (a.s). Respond to the call of Imam Hussain a.s. and Imam e Zamana (a.t.f.s).
33:34
|
[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on current situation - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar Asad Interview - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
2:09
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AYƏTULLAH XAMENEİ : İMAM XOMEYNİ VƏ ÖZÜNƏ İNAM - 04 June 2013 - Azeri Azerbaijani
SəhərTV,Xəbərlər –İslam İnqilabının banisi İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)-in vəfatının ildönümü günü münasibətilə İran xalqı ölkə boyu xüsusi mərasimlərdə iştirak...
SəhərTV,Xəbərlər –İslam İnqilabının banisi İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)-in vəfatının ildönümü günü münasibətilə İran xalqı ölkə boyu xüsusi mərasimlərdə iştirak edərək, İmamın xatirəsini yad edib.
Məşhəd, Qum, Şiraz və digər şəhərlərdə müqəddəs məkanlar, imamzadələr, məscidlər, hüseyniyələr və digər müqəddəs məkanlarda təşkil edilmiş mərasimlərdə natiqlər İmamın fəzilətləri, həyat və yaradıcılığı habelə, mübarizələri haqda danışıblar. Əhli Beyt məddahları da İmamın qəmində mərsiyə və növhə oxuyublar.
İmam aşiqləri həmçinin əzadarlıq mərasimlərində iştirak edərək, öz əziz rəhbərlərinin qəmində göz yaşları axıdaraq, o həzrətin ideyaları ilə əhd-peymanlarını təzələyiblər.
İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)in vəfatının ildönümü günü mərasimi bu gün axşam namazından sonraya kimi davam edəcək.
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SəhərTV,Xəbərlər –İslam İnqilabının banisi İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)-in vəfatının ildönümü günü münasibətilə İran xalqı ölkə boyu xüsusi mərasimlərdə iştirak edərək, İmamın xatirəsini yad edib.
Məşhəd, Qum, Şiraz və digər şəhərlərdə müqəddəs məkanlar, imamzadələr, məscidlər, hüseyniyələr və digər müqəddəs məkanlarda təşkil edilmiş mərasimlərdə natiqlər İmamın fəzilətləri, həyat və yaradıcılığı habelə, mübarizələri haqda danışıblar. Əhli Beyt məddahları da İmamın qəmində mərsiyə və növhə oxuyublar.
İmam aşiqləri həmçinin əzadarlıq mərasimlərində iştirak edərək, öz əziz rəhbərlərinin qəmində göz yaşları axıdaraq, o həzrətin ideyaları ilə əhd-peymanlarını təzələyiblər.
İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)in vəfatının ildönümü günü mərasimi bu gün axşam namazından sonraya kimi davam edəcək.
38:09
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SİRAT-İMAM XOMEYNİNİN GETDİYİ YOL - Azeri Azerbaijani
SəhərTV,Xəbərlər –İslam İnqilabının banisi İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)-in vəfatının ildönümü günü münasibətilə İran xalqı ölkə boyu xüsusi mərasimlərdə iştirak...
SəhərTV,Xəbərlər –İslam İnqilabının banisi İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)-in vəfatının ildönümü günü münasibətilə İran xalqı ölkə boyu xüsusi mərasimlərdə iştirak edərək, İmamın xatirəsini yad edib.
Məşhəd, Qum, Şiraz və digər şəhərlərdə müqəddəs məkanlar, imamzadələr, məscidlər, hüseyniyələr və digər müqəddəs məkanlarda təşkil edilmiş mərasimlərdə natiqlər İmamın fəzilətləri, həyat və yaradıcılığı habelə, mübarizələri haqda danışıblar. Əhli Beyt məddahları da İmamın qəmində mərsiyə və növhə oxuyublar.
İmam aşiqləri həmçinin əzadarlıq mərasimlərində iştirak edərək, öz əziz rəhbərlərinin qəmində göz yaşları axıdaraq, o həzrətin ideyaları ilə əhd-peymanlarını təzələyiblər.
İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)in vəfatının ildönümü günü mərasimi bu gün axşam namazından sonraya kimi davam edəcək.
More...
Description:
SəhərTV,Xəbərlər –İslam İnqilabının banisi İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)-in vəfatının ildönümü günü münasibətilə İran xalqı ölkə boyu xüsusi mərasimlərdə iştirak edərək, İmamın xatirəsini yad edib.
Məşhəd, Qum, Şiraz və digər şəhərlərdə müqəddəs məkanlar, imamzadələr, məscidlər, hüseyniyələr və digər müqəddəs məkanlarda təşkil edilmiş mərasimlərdə natiqlər İmamın fəzilətləri, həyat və yaradıcılığı habelə, mübarizələri haqda danışıblar. Əhli Beyt məddahları da İmamın qəmində mərsiyə və növhə oxuyublar.
İmam aşiqləri həmçinin əzadarlıq mərasimlərində iştirak edərək, öz əziz rəhbərlərinin qəmində göz yaşları axıdaraq, o həzrətin ideyaları ilə əhd-peymanlarını təzələyiblər.
İmam Xomeyni(r.ə)in vəfatının ildönümü günü mərasimi bu gün axşam namazından sonraya kimi davam edəcək.
10:02
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Sayyed Ali Khamenei Participating in Irans 11th Presidential Election - 14 June 2013 - Persian
14th June 2013 - Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has cast his ballots in Iran\\\'s 11th presidential and 4th city and rural council elections as the polls officially...
14th June 2013 - Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has cast his ballots in Iran\\\'s 11th presidential and 4th city and rural council elections as the polls officially opened across the country.
Speaking to reporters after casting his vote minutes after the opening of the polls early Friday, the Leader stressed the importance of the Iranian nation\\\'s \\\"effective, timely, massive and enthusiastic\\\" participation in the elections.
\\\"The dear Iranian people should enter the scene of elections with fervour and motivation, and [they should] know that the destiny of the country and prosperity of the nation depend on their presence and the choice they make,\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei stated.
The Leader said the Iranian people play a key role in determining their fate, and that is the reason behind enemies\\\' propaganda campaigns against the nation.
The enemies have made every effort to create voter apathy in Iran by trying to incite \\\"cynicism and despair\\\" among Iranians, Ayatollah Khamenei underlined.
They have not stopped with media propaganda to achieve their goal, said the Leader, adding that Western politicians and figures affiliated with the enemies are now overtly trying to discourage people from taking part.
Pointing to US officials\\\' dismissive remarks about the elections in Iran, the Leader stated, \\\"The views of enemies have never had any significance for the Iranian people, and the [Iranian] nation itself has always made decisions about what it needs and what is in the interest of the country, and has made and will make its choice on that basis.\\\"
Ayatollah Khamenei recommended that Iranians cast their ballots at the earliest opportunity, adding that no one, not even those close to him, is privy to his vote.
The Leader further expressed hope that the election results would benefit the country and people, and bring prosperity as well as material and spiritual welfare to the nation.
Officials in charge of running the elections should know that the \\\"people\\\'s votes are left in their trust,\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei underscored.
The Iranians began casting their ballots at 8:00 am (0330 GMT) on Friday with the polls scheduled to remain open for ten hours. The time can be extended if necessary.
Six candidates, namely President of the Expediency Council\\\'s Center for Strategic Research Hassan Rohani, Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council Saeed Jalili, Secretary of the Expediency Council Mohsen Rezaei, Tehran Mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, former Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati, and former Telecommunications Minister Mohammad Gharazi are running in the presidential election.
Over 200,000 candidates are also running for city and rural council elections.
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14th June 2013 - Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has cast his ballots in Iran\\\'s 11th presidential and 4th city and rural council elections as the polls officially opened across the country.
Speaking to reporters after casting his vote minutes after the opening of the polls early Friday, the Leader stressed the importance of the Iranian nation\\\'s \\\"effective, timely, massive and enthusiastic\\\" participation in the elections.
\\\"The dear Iranian people should enter the scene of elections with fervour and motivation, and [they should] know that the destiny of the country and prosperity of the nation depend on their presence and the choice they make,\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei stated.
The Leader said the Iranian people play a key role in determining their fate, and that is the reason behind enemies\\\' propaganda campaigns against the nation.
The enemies have made every effort to create voter apathy in Iran by trying to incite \\\"cynicism and despair\\\" among Iranians, Ayatollah Khamenei underlined.
They have not stopped with media propaganda to achieve their goal, said the Leader, adding that Western politicians and figures affiliated with the enemies are now overtly trying to discourage people from taking part.
Pointing to US officials\\\' dismissive remarks about the elections in Iran, the Leader stated, \\\"The views of enemies have never had any significance for the Iranian people, and the [Iranian] nation itself has always made decisions about what it needs and what is in the interest of the country, and has made and will make its choice on that basis.\\\"
Ayatollah Khamenei recommended that Iranians cast their ballots at the earliest opportunity, adding that no one, not even those close to him, is privy to his vote.
The Leader further expressed hope that the election results would benefit the country and people, and bring prosperity as well as material and spiritual welfare to the nation.
Officials in charge of running the elections should know that the \\\"people\\\'s votes are left in their trust,\\\" Ayatollah Khamenei underscored.
The Iranians began casting their ballots at 8:00 am (0330 GMT) on Friday with the polls scheduled to remain open for ten hours. The time can be extended if necessary.
Six candidates, namely President of the Expediency Council\\\'s Center for Strategic Research Hassan Rohani, Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council Saeed Jalili, Secretary of the Expediency Council Mohsen Rezaei, Tehran Mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, former Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati, and former Telecommunications Minister Mohammad Gharazi are running in the presidential election.
Over 200,000 candidates are also running for city and rural council elections.