President Ahmadinejad Interview Sept 08 with Democracy Now - Part 2 - English
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,...
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
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Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
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[09 Oct 13] Speech in Meeting with Participants of 7th Elite Youth Conference - Sayed Ali Khamenei - [English]
The following is the full text of the speech delivered on October 9, 2013 by Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, in a meeting with participants of the 7th Elite Youth...
The following is the full text of the speech delivered on October 9, 2013 by Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, in a meeting with participants of the 7th Elite Youth Conference. The meeting was held at Imam Khomeini (r.a.) Hussainiyah.
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful
Well, as usual, meeting with you dear youth is very sweet and inspiring for me and it prepares the ground for taking action and implementing policies and plans. Most of the things that the friends mentioned in this meeting was informative and notable. Today, I did not write down what you said because I decided to take the prepared notes of each one of you.
By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, officials in our office - they have heard what I said in this regard now - will collect and categorize the suggestions that you put forward in this meeting. It is necessary for us to pay attention to these suggestions and, by Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, they will receive attention. A number of these suggestions should be submitted to different organizations. A number of the points that the friends made in this meeting requires further explanation. That is to say, it was not clear to me what you meant. For example, one of the friends pointed out that a road map of knowledge should be prepared. I did not understand whether he meant that we should prepare something different from the comprehensive scientific plan on which extensive research has been carried out for a very long time and which has been prepared and implemented.
You dear outstanding personalities who have participated in this meeting and all other outstanding personalities who have not participated in this meeting for any reason should know that whatever your field of study of is and whatever area you work on - including the humanities, technological sciences, fundamental sciences, medical sciences, sciences related to health and all other fields of study on which you work - you are the engineers of the future progress of the country. It is you who are building the future of your dear country, Iran. By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, if you pursue this goal with firm determinations, great efforts and constant follow-up, you will achieve results and you will build the future Iran.
The point that I would like to address to you is that you should know the strategy of scientific progress with rapid acceleration is a fundamental strategy for the Islamic Republic. The intellectuals of our country have reached the conclusion that if overcoming difficulties and taking difficult paths in Islamic Iran requires two, three prerequisites, one of them is scientific progress. This is a fundamental policy. This policy has been pursued for about 10-12 years now.
Different administrations and officials in charge of such things and outstanding youth have worked and made many efforts in these areas and thankfully today, when we see the results, we become hopeful. I have said many times to the youth, to officials and to you and I would like to say it now: the young individuals and outstanding personalities of our country and our manpower are able to help their country and their people to conquer peaks of progress in different arenas. This capability exists in you. We used to say this based on the experience of other people and the information that we had received from them. But later on, we ourselves experienced this.
I have said many times that Iranian youth and Iranian outstanding personalities can carry out all kinds of scientific and technological tasks provided that the necessary infrastructures exist in our country. There is nothing which Iranian talent and outstanding Iranian personalities cannot produce and build, unless the necessary infrastructure does not exist in the country and these infrastructures should be built. Our country enjoys such a high level of capability and talent. Real progress of the country is not possible except with scientific progress. This is the reason why we said our main discourse and policy is this. Real progress cannot be achieved except with scientific progress.
A number of countries may offer their natural resources and oil barrels to leading countries in terms of wealth and knowledge and they may buy their products in return. In such countries, a kind of superficial progress may be achieved, but this is not real progress. The real progress is inborn and it is made when a nation depends on its own domestic capabilities. The value of countries, governments and nations depends on this inborn power. If a country makes a leap on its own and if it achieves growth from the inside, this will make this country and this nation valuable, important and respected. But if such growth is not achieved from the inside and if it is achieved with the help of others, then this country will not earn respect.
Well, during the time of taghut, it was foreigners and westerners who were prepared to do part of the work related to the nuclear technology in our country and they used to sign certain contracts with Iran. The Bushehr nuclear power plant, which we built with great difficulty after the passage of many years, was supposed to be built by the Germans. Of course, the Germans took the money and did nothing in return and after the Revolution, they did not give us any answer. Now, imagine that such and such a western country builds and manages a nuclear power plant for us and then we benefit from the electricity that such a power plant can generate. This has no dignity and value for a nation. Respect and dignity are achieved when a nation shows its own capabilities. When you develop such a capability, then you can benefit - on an equal footing - from the capabilities of other people, as they benefit from your capabilities.
The point that one of the friends in this meeting made was correct. It is evident that a country cannot only rely on its own capabilities in scientific and technological areas. It should borrow from others as well, but this borrowing should not take place in the form of begging. It should take place on an equal footing. You should offer your scientific achievements to others and you should benefit from their scientific achievements. You should offer your technological achievements to other people and you should benefit from their technological achievements. In such circumstances, you will remain respectable in the world. This is what is necessary.
I will tell you dear youth - who are the children of the Revolution and the Islamic Republic - that the enmity of the camp which confronts Islamic Iran and shows hostility towards it, is focused on the power of Iran. They do not want Iran to become powerful. You should always pay attention to this fundamental point during all events including political, economic, international, regional and domestic events. You should not forget this point. Today, there is a political and powerful camp in the world which does not want Islamic Iran to turn into a powerful country and nation. Since the beginning of the Revolution, the situation has been like this.
I will tell you that in the year 1357, when the Islamic Revolution emerged in Iran and caused that great commotion in the world, a number of outstanding western personalities such as Kissinger, Huntington and Joseph Nye - who are outstanding political personalities in America and Europe - published a series of articles during the early years of the Revolution. These articles and writings warned the western political system and western governments that the Revolution which has been conducted in Iran does not only mean a transfer of power and a change of governments. It means the emergence of a new power in - as they say - the \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"Middle East\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\" region. I do not at all like this term. They said that a new power is emerging in - as we say - \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"West Asia\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\".
This new power may not be on a par with western powers in terms of technology and science, but in terms of political influence in areas surrounding this country, it is either better than or as good as western powers and it will challenge them. These outstanding personalities warned western powers about this. This means that, in their opinion, the emergence of this power would put an end to or at least weaken western influence in this sensitive, wealthy and very strategic region which connects three continents to one another and which is the center of oil, wealth and important and necessary minerals. The West has made many efforts to achieve political, economic and - naturally - cultural domination over this region.
At that time, these outstanding western personalities guessed that this would happen and of course, they guessed correctly. Today, after the passage of more than three decades, the nightmare which they have been suffering from is gradually coming true. That is to say, a great national and regional power has emerged which has not been defeated by different economic, security, political and psychological pressures. On the contrary, this power has managed to influence regional nations, to establish and promote communal Islamic culture and to help regional nations have a sense of identity.
The events which occurred two years ago in our region were very important events. You can see how westerners reacted to such events. The events in Egypt, North African and West Asian countries were very important events. The awakening of nations with empty hands and their resistance against the humiliation which the West and America in particular had imposed on these nations with the help of their agents were very great events. Of course, it has not come to an end. Westerners think that they have suppressed this Islamic Awakening but in our opinion, it has not been suppressed. This was a historical juncture and the region is passing through this historical juncture. The fate of this Awakening has not been sealed yet and westerners themselves know this. This can be seen in their analysis of Islamic Awakening and they are still concerned about it. They do not know what is happening in the region. This happened thanks to the uprising of the Iranian nation, the victory of the Revolution and the formation of the Islamic Republic which manifested the emergence of a national, deep-rooted, religious, steadfast, talented and developing power.
Now, on each branch of scientific, technological and research areas you outstanding personalities throughout the country work, you are valuable constituents of this great order which is fulfilling this historical mission. Today, you have shouldered this great responsibility. What is important is that your movement should not stop progressing. What is important is that your movement should continue without any interruption or pause in the middle of the way. The same is true of all important social, political and military movements. When a movement starts, when a great and long-term task begins, you should not let any pause and interruption take place in the middle of the way.
During the Sacred Defense Era, we saw this with our own eyes when we were engaged in battle. During the war, when a movement started, it would achieve victory if it was not stopped. But if our determination was undermined in the middle of the way, if there were doubts, if we showed laziness and if there was a pause or interruption in our work, it would lead to frustration and defeat. You should not let this rapid scientific movement stop progressing.
Of course, I am addressing all people involved in this issue, both you dear youth and different organizations including the Ministry of Science, the Ministry of Health and the Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs. You dear youth work hard, acquire knowledge, carry out research and engage in self-edification and often, you carry out interesting and outstanding work. The statements that you made in this meeting is part of this work. Work is not only physical. Offering thoughts, ideas and opinions and making an effort in order to put forward excellent suggestions are among the best pieces of work.
The Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs is a very important organization and what it does is very sensitive. A few years ago, this organization was formed at my insistence and later on, the National Elites Foundation was formed. There were certain people who rendered genuine services such as Mrs. Soltankhah and Mr. Vaezzadeh. And today, Mr. Sattari, who is the son of a martyr, is in charge of this vice presidency and this foundation. My advice to the officials in charge of Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs and the National Elites Foundation is that they should pursue the matter. You should not start to do things all over again. Outstanding work has been carried out in this regard. You should move forward according to such work. You should try to find and remove shortcomings and weak points and you should not forget about your strong points.
In my opinion, the most important thing which these two organizations can do is that they should focus their efforts on preparing the ground for innovation. Innovation is very important. This process of innovation should not be stopped. Each step should bring about another step. Constant follow-up is necessary in order to preserve the process of innovation in the country. The honorable officials who are in charge of Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs should constantly follow up this scientific process in the country. They should see where problems and hurdles lie and they should resolve them. The Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution - which, of course, deals with these issues within the remit of its responsibilities - is important. The Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs, which is an organization for coordinating other organizations, other scientific organizations in the country - that is to say, these two ministries - research centers and different scientific and technological centers in charge of implementing these policies should all act in a coordinated and well-organized way. Any kind of disorder and disharmony should be removed.
Of course, our scientific growth is very good on a regional and international level. Our absolute growth rate is good and we enjoy a very fast rate of scientific growth, however this is not the sole standard. This rate of scientific growth should be preserved. This rate of scientific growth does not mean that we have achieved or are close to achieving our goal because we used to be very backward. And the world does not wait for us to move forward. It does not sit and watch. The world is constantly moving forward as well. Of course, the rate of our scientific growth is faster [than the global average] and we should preserve it. If this rate of scientific growth is preserved, there will be this hope that we can conquer peaks and reach front lines and, as I said many times, our country and our scientific centers can be reference points for the world.
This should happen and, by Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, it will happen. Of course, I do not think that this will happen in five, ten, fifteen years. No, this is not the case. A few years ago, I said that you can picture this future in 40, 50 years when everyone in the world has to learn Farsi if they want to have access to new scientific achievements. Your efforts should be focused on this. You should do something to make others need your knowledge and learn your language in order to acquire the knowledge that you have. This is possible.
The late Dr. Chamran was an outstanding scientific personality. In the present time, he is known for war tactics, martyrdom, military expertise and other such things, but he was also an outstanding scientific personality. He studied at an outstanding American university, but later on, he left this university and went to Lebanon and - after that - to his own country to engage in jihad. He used to tell me that in American universities - including the university that he was studying in - there were few outstanding students and the number of Iranians among them was larger than other nationalities. Iranians are more talented than the global average. We have repeatedly heard this from other people and, as I said, in the present time experience shows that this is true.
The point which I have stressed from the beginning and which has not been properly addressed yet is the issue of the connection between science and industry, between universities and industries and between research centers and industrial centers. Of course, it is several years that I see this issue has been addressed by students, outstanding personalities and officials. This is a very important point. We have a scientific community and an industrial community. Our industrial community is thirsty for having access to the scientific and research achievements of our universities and research centers. And our scientific organizations need a market to consume their scientific achievements so that their enthusiasm continues to flow like a bubbling spring.
In the present time, there is not a reasonable and complete relationship between these two communities. If we manage to establish a strong relationship between industries and universities, between industries and research centers or - in the general sense of the word - between industry and science, this will lead to the growth of industrial centers and the blossoming of our universities.
Our industrial centers can turn to universities in order to solve their problems. As well as solving their problems, they can utilize the scientific achievements of universities in their industries. Our universities too can begin to flow smoothly. This is like a dam which has been built, but which does not have an irrigation system. Well, this dam has no value. Half of the work that we should do is to build certain walls and gather water behind these walls. The other half is to build an irrigation system so that the water behind these walls can flow to areas and lands which in are in need of water. This should be done.
Of course, companies and factories should turn to scientific centers more than the past and scientific centers too should prepare themselves more than the past. Each year, we should witness hundreds of research projects - which are requested by industrial centers - in universities and scientific centers. Of course, these requested projects should address domestic needs. In my opinion, today one of our great weak points is that our scientific centers are after foreign projects. Even many youth, professors and other academic people sometimes acknowledge this. Such projects are not things that the country needs. I do not want to say that this is absolutely forbidden, but if you sit and work on certain scientific and research projects in order to meet the needs of such and such a scientific and technological organization in the world - which will buy these projects at a low price - this is not a major achievement. You should see what our domestic needs are, how your research - particularly the research that Ph.D. students and students at higher levels carry out - can help the country and what gaps it can fill.
Therefore, there should be a great and serious competition in the area of innovation. There should be a competition, in the real sense of the word, whether in scientific or in technological areas. In graduate theses, particularly doctoral theses, one of the points which should definitely receive attention is innovation. In these theses, it should be clear in which areas innovation occurs and this should be the standard for evaluation. The National Elites Foundation should work in a serious way to create an environment for scientific enthusiasm. If this happens, the Iranian specialists who live outside Iran will be excited to come to their country and the talented Iranian youth will find the enthusiasm to stay in their own homeland and render services to their own country.
There is a fundamental and important point in this regard which is piety and self-purification. The capabilities of outstanding personalities in our country - including young men and women and their professors - will increase in the shade of piety, self-purification and attention to God. Their capabilities will increase and they can easily make achievements. One of the greatest advantages that you have is youthful purity. This is not a permanent thing. During youth, there is a kind of purity and enlightenment which makes it easy for an individual to enjoy divine mercy. If Allah the Exalted opens up the path for individuals, if He smoothes the way for them and prepares the ground, they will achieve their goals more easily. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"We will indeed make smooth for him the path to Bliss\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\" [The Holy Quran, 92: 7].
You should appreciate the value of the piety, purity, faith and enlightenment which exist in you and which prepare the ground for spirituality. You should ask Allah the Exalted to help you and your country. By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, we will be able to reach the desired point for our country and our nation. By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, I will always pray for you, as I have prayed for you so far.
Greetings be upon you and Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s mercy and blessings
More...
Description:
The following is the full text of the speech delivered on October 9, 2013 by Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, in a meeting with participants of the 7th Elite Youth Conference. The meeting was held at Imam Khomeini (r.a.) Hussainiyah.
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful
Well, as usual, meeting with you dear youth is very sweet and inspiring for me and it prepares the ground for taking action and implementing policies and plans. Most of the things that the friends mentioned in this meeting was informative and notable. Today, I did not write down what you said because I decided to take the prepared notes of each one of you.
By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, officials in our office - they have heard what I said in this regard now - will collect and categorize the suggestions that you put forward in this meeting. It is necessary for us to pay attention to these suggestions and, by Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, they will receive attention. A number of these suggestions should be submitted to different organizations. A number of the points that the friends made in this meeting requires further explanation. That is to say, it was not clear to me what you meant. For example, one of the friends pointed out that a road map of knowledge should be prepared. I did not understand whether he meant that we should prepare something different from the comprehensive scientific plan on which extensive research has been carried out for a very long time and which has been prepared and implemented.
You dear outstanding personalities who have participated in this meeting and all other outstanding personalities who have not participated in this meeting for any reason should know that whatever your field of study of is and whatever area you work on - including the humanities, technological sciences, fundamental sciences, medical sciences, sciences related to health and all other fields of study on which you work - you are the engineers of the future progress of the country. It is you who are building the future of your dear country, Iran. By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, if you pursue this goal with firm determinations, great efforts and constant follow-up, you will achieve results and you will build the future Iran.
The point that I would like to address to you is that you should know the strategy of scientific progress with rapid acceleration is a fundamental strategy for the Islamic Republic. The intellectuals of our country have reached the conclusion that if overcoming difficulties and taking difficult paths in Islamic Iran requires two, three prerequisites, one of them is scientific progress. This is a fundamental policy. This policy has been pursued for about 10-12 years now.
Different administrations and officials in charge of such things and outstanding youth have worked and made many efforts in these areas and thankfully today, when we see the results, we become hopeful. I have said many times to the youth, to officials and to you and I would like to say it now: the young individuals and outstanding personalities of our country and our manpower are able to help their country and their people to conquer peaks of progress in different arenas. This capability exists in you. We used to say this based on the experience of other people and the information that we had received from them. But later on, we ourselves experienced this.
I have said many times that Iranian youth and Iranian outstanding personalities can carry out all kinds of scientific and technological tasks provided that the necessary infrastructures exist in our country. There is nothing which Iranian talent and outstanding Iranian personalities cannot produce and build, unless the necessary infrastructure does not exist in the country and these infrastructures should be built. Our country enjoys such a high level of capability and talent. Real progress of the country is not possible except with scientific progress. This is the reason why we said our main discourse and policy is this. Real progress cannot be achieved except with scientific progress.
A number of countries may offer their natural resources and oil barrels to leading countries in terms of wealth and knowledge and they may buy their products in return. In such countries, a kind of superficial progress may be achieved, but this is not real progress. The real progress is inborn and it is made when a nation depends on its own domestic capabilities. The value of countries, governments and nations depends on this inborn power. If a country makes a leap on its own and if it achieves growth from the inside, this will make this country and this nation valuable, important and respected. But if such growth is not achieved from the inside and if it is achieved with the help of others, then this country will not earn respect.
Well, during the time of taghut, it was foreigners and westerners who were prepared to do part of the work related to the nuclear technology in our country and they used to sign certain contracts with Iran. The Bushehr nuclear power plant, which we built with great difficulty after the passage of many years, was supposed to be built by the Germans. Of course, the Germans took the money and did nothing in return and after the Revolution, they did not give us any answer. Now, imagine that such and such a western country builds and manages a nuclear power plant for us and then we benefit from the electricity that such a power plant can generate. This has no dignity and value for a nation. Respect and dignity are achieved when a nation shows its own capabilities. When you develop such a capability, then you can benefit - on an equal footing - from the capabilities of other people, as they benefit from your capabilities.
The point that one of the friends in this meeting made was correct. It is evident that a country cannot only rely on its own capabilities in scientific and technological areas. It should borrow from others as well, but this borrowing should not take place in the form of begging. It should take place on an equal footing. You should offer your scientific achievements to others and you should benefit from their scientific achievements. You should offer your technological achievements to other people and you should benefit from their technological achievements. In such circumstances, you will remain respectable in the world. This is what is necessary.
I will tell you dear youth - who are the children of the Revolution and the Islamic Republic - that the enmity of the camp which confronts Islamic Iran and shows hostility towards it, is focused on the power of Iran. They do not want Iran to become powerful. You should always pay attention to this fundamental point during all events including political, economic, international, regional and domestic events. You should not forget this point. Today, there is a political and powerful camp in the world which does not want Islamic Iran to turn into a powerful country and nation. Since the beginning of the Revolution, the situation has been like this.
I will tell you that in the year 1357, when the Islamic Revolution emerged in Iran and caused that great commotion in the world, a number of outstanding western personalities such as Kissinger, Huntington and Joseph Nye - who are outstanding political personalities in America and Europe - published a series of articles during the early years of the Revolution. These articles and writings warned the western political system and western governments that the Revolution which has been conducted in Iran does not only mean a transfer of power and a change of governments. It means the emergence of a new power in - as they say - the \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"Middle East\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\" region. I do not at all like this term. They said that a new power is emerging in - as we say - \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"West Asia\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\".
This new power may not be on a par with western powers in terms of technology and science, but in terms of political influence in areas surrounding this country, it is either better than or as good as western powers and it will challenge them. These outstanding personalities warned western powers about this. This means that, in their opinion, the emergence of this power would put an end to or at least weaken western influence in this sensitive, wealthy and very strategic region which connects three continents to one another and which is the center of oil, wealth and important and necessary minerals. The West has made many efforts to achieve political, economic and - naturally - cultural domination over this region.
At that time, these outstanding western personalities guessed that this would happen and of course, they guessed correctly. Today, after the passage of more than three decades, the nightmare which they have been suffering from is gradually coming true. That is to say, a great national and regional power has emerged which has not been defeated by different economic, security, political and psychological pressures. On the contrary, this power has managed to influence regional nations, to establish and promote communal Islamic culture and to help regional nations have a sense of identity.
The events which occurred two years ago in our region were very important events. You can see how westerners reacted to such events. The events in Egypt, North African and West Asian countries were very important events. The awakening of nations with empty hands and their resistance against the humiliation which the West and America in particular had imposed on these nations with the help of their agents were very great events. Of course, it has not come to an end. Westerners think that they have suppressed this Islamic Awakening but in our opinion, it has not been suppressed. This was a historical juncture and the region is passing through this historical juncture. The fate of this Awakening has not been sealed yet and westerners themselves know this. This can be seen in their analysis of Islamic Awakening and they are still concerned about it. They do not know what is happening in the region. This happened thanks to the uprising of the Iranian nation, the victory of the Revolution and the formation of the Islamic Republic which manifested the emergence of a national, deep-rooted, religious, steadfast, talented and developing power.
Now, on each branch of scientific, technological and research areas you outstanding personalities throughout the country work, you are valuable constituents of this great order which is fulfilling this historical mission. Today, you have shouldered this great responsibility. What is important is that your movement should not stop progressing. What is important is that your movement should continue without any interruption or pause in the middle of the way. The same is true of all important social, political and military movements. When a movement starts, when a great and long-term task begins, you should not let any pause and interruption take place in the middle of the way.
During the Sacred Defense Era, we saw this with our own eyes when we were engaged in battle. During the war, when a movement started, it would achieve victory if it was not stopped. But if our determination was undermined in the middle of the way, if there were doubts, if we showed laziness and if there was a pause or interruption in our work, it would lead to frustration and defeat. You should not let this rapid scientific movement stop progressing.
Of course, I am addressing all people involved in this issue, both you dear youth and different organizations including the Ministry of Science, the Ministry of Health and the Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs. You dear youth work hard, acquire knowledge, carry out research and engage in self-edification and often, you carry out interesting and outstanding work. The statements that you made in this meeting is part of this work. Work is not only physical. Offering thoughts, ideas and opinions and making an effort in order to put forward excellent suggestions are among the best pieces of work.
The Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs is a very important organization and what it does is very sensitive. A few years ago, this organization was formed at my insistence and later on, the National Elites Foundation was formed. There were certain people who rendered genuine services such as Mrs. Soltankhah and Mr. Vaezzadeh. And today, Mr. Sattari, who is the son of a martyr, is in charge of this vice presidency and this foundation. My advice to the officials in charge of Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs and the National Elites Foundation is that they should pursue the matter. You should not start to do things all over again. Outstanding work has been carried out in this regard. You should move forward according to such work. You should try to find and remove shortcomings and weak points and you should not forget about your strong points.
In my opinion, the most important thing which these two organizations can do is that they should focus their efforts on preparing the ground for innovation. Innovation is very important. This process of innovation should not be stopped. Each step should bring about another step. Constant follow-up is necessary in order to preserve the process of innovation in the country. The honorable officials who are in charge of Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs should constantly follow up this scientific process in the country. They should see where problems and hurdles lie and they should resolve them. The Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution - which, of course, deals with these issues within the remit of its responsibilities - is important. The Vice Presidency for Scientific and Technological Affairs, which is an organization for coordinating other organizations, other scientific organizations in the country - that is to say, these two ministries - research centers and different scientific and technological centers in charge of implementing these policies should all act in a coordinated and well-organized way. Any kind of disorder and disharmony should be removed.
Of course, our scientific growth is very good on a regional and international level. Our absolute growth rate is good and we enjoy a very fast rate of scientific growth, however this is not the sole standard. This rate of scientific growth should be preserved. This rate of scientific growth does not mean that we have achieved or are close to achieving our goal because we used to be very backward. And the world does not wait for us to move forward. It does not sit and watch. The world is constantly moving forward as well. Of course, the rate of our scientific growth is faster [than the global average] and we should preserve it. If this rate of scientific growth is preserved, there will be this hope that we can conquer peaks and reach front lines and, as I said many times, our country and our scientific centers can be reference points for the world.
This should happen and, by Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, it will happen. Of course, I do not think that this will happen in five, ten, fifteen years. No, this is not the case. A few years ago, I said that you can picture this future in 40, 50 years when everyone in the world has to learn Farsi if they want to have access to new scientific achievements. Your efforts should be focused on this. You should do something to make others need your knowledge and learn your language in order to acquire the knowledge that you have. This is possible.
The late Dr. Chamran was an outstanding scientific personality. In the present time, he is known for war tactics, martyrdom, military expertise and other such things, but he was also an outstanding scientific personality. He studied at an outstanding American university, but later on, he left this university and went to Lebanon and - after that - to his own country to engage in jihad. He used to tell me that in American universities - including the university that he was studying in - there were few outstanding students and the number of Iranians among them was larger than other nationalities. Iranians are more talented than the global average. We have repeatedly heard this from other people and, as I said, in the present time experience shows that this is true.
The point which I have stressed from the beginning and which has not been properly addressed yet is the issue of the connection between science and industry, between universities and industries and between research centers and industrial centers. Of course, it is several years that I see this issue has been addressed by students, outstanding personalities and officials. This is a very important point. We have a scientific community and an industrial community. Our industrial community is thirsty for having access to the scientific and research achievements of our universities and research centers. And our scientific organizations need a market to consume their scientific achievements so that their enthusiasm continues to flow like a bubbling spring.
In the present time, there is not a reasonable and complete relationship between these two communities. If we manage to establish a strong relationship between industries and universities, between industries and research centers or - in the general sense of the word - between industry and science, this will lead to the growth of industrial centers and the blossoming of our universities.
Our industrial centers can turn to universities in order to solve their problems. As well as solving their problems, they can utilize the scientific achievements of universities in their industries. Our universities too can begin to flow smoothly. This is like a dam which has been built, but which does not have an irrigation system. Well, this dam has no value. Half of the work that we should do is to build certain walls and gather water behind these walls. The other half is to build an irrigation system so that the water behind these walls can flow to areas and lands which in are in need of water. This should be done.
Of course, companies and factories should turn to scientific centers more than the past and scientific centers too should prepare themselves more than the past. Each year, we should witness hundreds of research projects - which are requested by industrial centers - in universities and scientific centers. Of course, these requested projects should address domestic needs. In my opinion, today one of our great weak points is that our scientific centers are after foreign projects. Even many youth, professors and other academic people sometimes acknowledge this. Such projects are not things that the country needs. I do not want to say that this is absolutely forbidden, but if you sit and work on certain scientific and research projects in order to meet the needs of such and such a scientific and technological organization in the world - which will buy these projects at a low price - this is not a major achievement. You should see what our domestic needs are, how your research - particularly the research that Ph.D. students and students at higher levels carry out - can help the country and what gaps it can fill.
Therefore, there should be a great and serious competition in the area of innovation. There should be a competition, in the real sense of the word, whether in scientific or in technological areas. In graduate theses, particularly doctoral theses, one of the points which should definitely receive attention is innovation. In these theses, it should be clear in which areas innovation occurs and this should be the standard for evaluation. The National Elites Foundation should work in a serious way to create an environment for scientific enthusiasm. If this happens, the Iranian specialists who live outside Iran will be excited to come to their country and the talented Iranian youth will find the enthusiasm to stay in their own homeland and render services to their own country.
There is a fundamental and important point in this regard which is piety and self-purification. The capabilities of outstanding personalities in our country - including young men and women and their professors - will increase in the shade of piety, self-purification and attention to God. Their capabilities will increase and they can easily make achievements. One of the greatest advantages that you have is youthful purity. This is not a permanent thing. During youth, there is a kind of purity and enlightenment which makes it easy for an individual to enjoy divine mercy. If Allah the Exalted opens up the path for individuals, if He smoothes the way for them and prepares the ground, they will achieve their goals more easily. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"We will indeed make smooth for him the path to Bliss\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\" [The Holy Quran, 92: 7].
You should appreciate the value of the piety, purity, faith and enlightenment which exist in you and which prepare the ground for spirituality. You should ask Allah the Exalted to help you and your country. By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, we will be able to reach the desired point for our country and our nation. By Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s favor, I will always pray for you, as I have prayed for you so far.
Greetings be upon you and Allah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s mercy and blessings
68:45
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Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah (HA) - Speech - 9 May 2013 - 25th Anniversary al-Nour Radio - [ENGLISH]
Full English Voice-over of the speech of the secretary general of Hizbullah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah(HA) delivered on May 9, 2013 on the 25th Anniversary of the al-Nour Radio Station....
Full English Voice-over of the speech of the secretary general of Hizbullah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah(HA) delivered on May 9, 2013 on the 25th Anniversary of the al-Nour Radio Station.
Syria is to supply Hizbullah with game-changing weapons despite Israel\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s air strikes reportedly aimed at cutting off the flow of arms, Hizbullah chief Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said on Thursday, vowing to back \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"the Syrian popular resistance in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights.
You Israelis say your objective is to stop the capability of the resistance from growing ... but Syria will provide (Hizbullah) with game-changing weapons it has not had before, Nasrallah said in a televised speech on the 25th anniversary of the establishment of Hizbullah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s al-Nour radio station.
We declare that we are ready to receive any game-changing weapons and we\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'re competent to possess and protect such type of weapons and we will use them to defend our people, he added.
Nasrallah said the shipments of new types of weapons would serve as the Syrian reaction to Israel\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s airstrikes. Syria has long been a conduit for Iranian weapons bound for Hizbullah.
Israeli officials say the Lebanese group has tens of thousands of rockets, but that most of them are unguided. Israeli officials said the shipments targeted twice last week included precision-guided missiles.
After the Israeli attacks, there had been speculation about whether Syria would retaliate, at the risk of drawing Israel into Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s civil war.
This is the Syrian strategic reaction, said Nasrallah of future weapons shipments.
This is more important than firing a rocket or carrying out an airstrike in occupied Palestine, he said.
Israel never formally acknowledged the airstrikes, but Israeli officials have said Israel would keep striking any shipments of advanced weapons meant for Hizbullah.
Everyone knows what Syria has offered to resistance movements, especially the Palestinian resistance. Israel knows that the source of strength of the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine is Syria, that\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s why it wants to remove it from the equation and to besiege the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine, said Nasrallah.
The response was foiling the objectives of the aggression and this is what the Syrian leadership did, although friends and foes wanted Syria to respond and bomb the enemy, added Nasrallah.
He noted that Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s highly-strategic response against Israel involves the decision to open the door to popular resistance in the Golan.
The same as Syria stood by Lebanon, we in the resistance declare that we will stand by the Syrian popular resistance that is aimed at liberating the Syrian Golan, Nasrallah pledged.
I\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'m not speaking out of enthusiasm or sentiments, but a calm evaluation says that the stances issued by the Syrian leadership prove its strength of nerve, said Hizbullah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s leader.
He pointed out that Syria has \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"a wise leadership that oversees the battle with the Israelis through a strategic mind, not through anger.
Commenting on the joint Russian-U.S. effort to organize a conference to end Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s two-year-old conflict, Nasrallah said it is shameful that the U.S. is being depicted as Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s savior through the proposed political solution.
But he added that any time wasted means \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"further destruction and losses and this is all in the enemy\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s interest.
Addressing the Palestinians, Nasrallah said: \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"You won\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'t find anyone to stand by your side other than those who have stood by you since years.
\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"The Palestinians benefit from any serious efforts to achieve a political settlement in Syria and prevent its fall into the hands of the Takfiris, the Americans and the Israelis, he said.
Nasrallah stressed that \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"the only choice is resistance for those who want to preserve al-Aqsa Mosque and the Christian holy sites and for those who want to give back Jerusalem to the Palestinian people and to the Ummah.
\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"The choice is neither the Arab League nor the U.N., the choice has always been the resistance, he said.
Nasrallah lamented that \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"today, after this Arab Spring, the Arab regimes are more willing to offer compromises to the enemy.
\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"The Palestinians were hoping that the Arab Spring would make Arabs less willing to offer compromises, but the scene of the Arab foreign ministers making a dangerous compromise, with the U.S. secretary of state sitting in the middle, indicates that the Palestinian cause is in danger, Nasrallah added.
Qatari Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassem has said an Arab League delegation that met U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry in Washington last month recognized the possibility of a land swap.
His statement was welcomed by the United States, the main broker in talks between the Palestinians and Israel, and by Israel itself.
The Palestinians have played down a shift in the Arab League\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s stance, saying they had already agreed in past talks with Israel on minor land swaps in which Israel would retain some settlement blocs in the West Bank.
More...
Description:
Full English Voice-over of the speech of the secretary general of Hizbullah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah(HA) delivered on May 9, 2013 on the 25th Anniversary of the al-Nour Radio Station.
Syria is to supply Hizbullah with game-changing weapons despite Israel\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s air strikes reportedly aimed at cutting off the flow of arms, Hizbullah chief Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said on Thursday, vowing to back \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"the Syrian popular resistance in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights.
You Israelis say your objective is to stop the capability of the resistance from growing ... but Syria will provide (Hizbullah) with game-changing weapons it has not had before, Nasrallah said in a televised speech on the 25th anniversary of the establishment of Hizbullah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s al-Nour radio station.
We declare that we are ready to receive any game-changing weapons and we\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'re competent to possess and protect such type of weapons and we will use them to defend our people, he added.
Nasrallah said the shipments of new types of weapons would serve as the Syrian reaction to Israel\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s airstrikes. Syria has long been a conduit for Iranian weapons bound for Hizbullah.
Israeli officials say the Lebanese group has tens of thousands of rockets, but that most of them are unguided. Israeli officials said the shipments targeted twice last week included precision-guided missiles.
After the Israeli attacks, there had been speculation about whether Syria would retaliate, at the risk of drawing Israel into Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s civil war.
This is the Syrian strategic reaction, said Nasrallah of future weapons shipments.
This is more important than firing a rocket or carrying out an airstrike in occupied Palestine, he said.
Israel never formally acknowledged the airstrikes, but Israeli officials have said Israel would keep striking any shipments of advanced weapons meant for Hizbullah.
Everyone knows what Syria has offered to resistance movements, especially the Palestinian resistance. Israel knows that the source of strength of the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine is Syria, that\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s why it wants to remove it from the equation and to besiege the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine, said Nasrallah.
The response was foiling the objectives of the aggression and this is what the Syrian leadership did, although friends and foes wanted Syria to respond and bomb the enemy, added Nasrallah.
He noted that Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s highly-strategic response against Israel involves the decision to open the door to popular resistance in the Golan.
The same as Syria stood by Lebanon, we in the resistance declare that we will stand by the Syrian popular resistance that is aimed at liberating the Syrian Golan, Nasrallah pledged.
I\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'m not speaking out of enthusiasm or sentiments, but a calm evaluation says that the stances issued by the Syrian leadership prove its strength of nerve, said Hizbullah\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s leader.
He pointed out that Syria has \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"a wise leadership that oversees the battle with the Israelis through a strategic mind, not through anger.
Commenting on the joint Russian-U.S. effort to organize a conference to end Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s two-year-old conflict, Nasrallah said it is shameful that the U.S. is being depicted as Syria\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s savior through the proposed political solution.
But he added that any time wasted means \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"further destruction and losses and this is all in the enemy\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s interest.
Addressing the Palestinians, Nasrallah said: \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"You won\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'t find anyone to stand by your side other than those who have stood by you since years.
\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"The Palestinians benefit from any serious efforts to achieve a political settlement in Syria and prevent its fall into the hands of the Takfiris, the Americans and the Israelis, he said.
Nasrallah stressed that \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"the only choice is resistance for those who want to preserve al-Aqsa Mosque and the Christian holy sites and for those who want to give back Jerusalem to the Palestinian people and to the Ummah.
\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"The choice is neither the Arab League nor the U.N., the choice has always been the resistance, he said.
Nasrallah lamented that \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"today, after this Arab Spring, the Arab regimes are more willing to offer compromises to the enemy.
\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"The Palestinians were hoping that the Arab Spring would make Arabs less willing to offer compromises, but the scene of the Arab foreign ministers making a dangerous compromise, with the U.S. secretary of state sitting in the middle, indicates that the Palestinian cause is in danger, Nasrallah added.
Qatari Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassem has said an Arab League delegation that met U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry in Washington last month recognized the possibility of a land swap.
His statement was welcomed by the United States, the main broker in talks between the Palestinians and Israel, and by Israel itself.
The Palestinians have played down a shift in the Arab League\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s stance, saying they had already agreed in past talks with Israel on minor land swaps in which Israel would retain some settlement blocs in the West Bank.
دیدار مردم آذربایجان با رهبر انقلاب Massive Voter Turnout Harms Enemies - 15Feb12 - Farsi
http://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=19054
دیدار مردم آذربایجان با رهبر انقلاب
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای رهبر معظم انقلاب...
http://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=19054
دیدار مردم آذربایجان با رهبر انقلاب
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای رهبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی صبح امروز (چهارشنبه) در دیدار هزاران نفر از علماء، مسئولان و قشرهای مختلف مردم آذربایجان، با اشاره به حضور دهها میلیونی و بسیار پرشورتر و با نشاطتر مردم در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن امسال، چرائی این اعجابآفرینی و عظمت ملت عزیز ایران را، بصیرت و موقعشناسی بینظیر آنان دانستند و تأكید كردند: ملت ایران با این بصیرت، ایستادگی و حضور بههنگام در صحنه، هیچگاه شكست نخواهد خورد و در انتخابات 12 اسفند نیز ملت بار دیگر هوشیاری و موقعشناسی خود را نشان خواهد داد و با حضور پرشور و فراوان خود در انتخابات مجلس نهم، ضربه سخت دیگری به دشمن خواهد زد.
در این دیدار كه در آستانه 29 بهمن، سالروز قیام مردم تبریز بر ضد رژیم ستمشاهی در سال 1356، برگزار شد، رهبر انقلاب اسلامی حوادث مهم انقلاب اسلامی را درسآموز و شاخصهای عمده در مسیر حركت بسوی قلهها و اهداف برشمردند و با اشاره به راهپیمایی عظیم ملت ایران در 22 بهمن افزودند: امسال همه تأكید داشتند كه حضور مردم در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن در سراسر كشور، نسبت به سالهای قبل، پرشورتر و با نشاطتر بوده است اما سؤال مهم این است كه چرا امسال شاهد چنین حضور با عظمتتری بودیم؟
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای خاطرنشان كردند: پاسخ به این سؤال جز به بصیرت و موقعشناسی كمنظیر مردم بر نمیگردد زیرا ملت ایران امسال احساس كرد كه كشور و نظام و اسلام به این حضور نیازمند است.
ایشان با اشاره به تبلیغات پرحجم و گسترده رسانهها و دستگاههای تبلیغاتی جبهه دشمن عنود و شریر، تحت هدایت شبكه صهیونیستی جهانی، تأكید كردند: هدف اصلی تبلیغات متراكم، القای این دروغ بزرگ بود كه ملت شجاع، مؤمن و امتحان داده ایران، نسبت به انقلاب، اسلام و اهداف والای خود سست و بیانگیزه شده است.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی افزودند: تمركز این تبلیغات هم بر روی راهپیمایی 22 بهمن بود تا شاید حضور مردم كمرنگ و بیرونق شود اما ملت ایران با بصیرت و موقعشناسی اعجاببرانگیز ، متوجه این ترفند دشمن شد و با حضور عظیم خود در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن امسال، به دهان دشمن كوبید.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای با اشاره به گزارشهای موثق درخصوص حضور بسیار پرشور و گسترده مردم در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن در هشتصد و پنجاه شهر كشور خاطرنشان كردند: این ملت ایران است. این ملت با چنین بصیرت و موقعشناسی و حضور در صحنه، شكست نخواهد خورد.
ایشان تأكید كردند: آنهایی كه باید پیام این حضور با عظمت مردم ایران در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن را بگیرند، گرفتند و آنهایی كه در مغزهای الكلی و آفتدیده خود، خیالاتی در سر میپروراندند، متوجه شدند كه در ایران چه خبر است و ملت قهرمان ایران چگونه در صحنه حاضر است.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی با اشاره به تلاش دستگاههای تبلیغاتی جبهه استكبار برای منعكس نشدن حقیقت و عظمت حضور مردم افزودند: كسانی كه مدعی آزادی اطلاعات و اخبار هستند، اخبار مربوط به این راهپیمایی را سانسور كردند و راهپیمایان میلیونی تهران را هزاران نفر و جمعیت دهها میلیونی كشور در راهپیمایی را صدها هزار نفر عنوان كردند.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای تأكید كردند: دشمن همواره از ابتدای پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی، انواع شیوههای دروغپردازی، تقلب، خدعه و تزویر را بكار گرفته است اما هنگامی كه پیام صادقانه یك ملت از دل برآید، كار خود را خواهد كرد و احساس حضور و انقلابیگری و حركت همراه با عزم راسخ، همچون هوای خوش بهاری در همه جا نفوذ و همه را بهرهمند خواهد كرد.
ایشان افزودند: نمونه آشكار این واقعیت، تحولات اخیر در شمال آفریقا، و كشورهای عربی و دنیای اسلام و فراگیر شدن شعارهایی است كه روزی ملت ایران، مظلومانه آنها را سر میداد.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی تأكید كردند: اسلام در حركت عظیم خود به نقطه حساسی رسیده است و نسلهای آینده شاهد حوادث مهمی خواهند بود كه دنیا را دگرگون خواهد كرد و سیاستهای مسلط مادی مستكبرانه را نیز از بین خواهد برد.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای خاطرنشان كردند: كانون اصلی این حركت، جمهوری اسلامی ایران است و جوشش اولیه آن هم از ایران بوده و ملت ایران همچنان ایستاده است.
ایشان، ایستادگی ملت ایران را رمز موفقیت و دستاوردهای بزرگ نظام اسلامی دانستند و افزودند: هنگامی كه ملتی میایستد و در مقابل شبكه پرهیمنه و پرهیاهو دشمن به خود ترس و واهمه راه نمیدهد، در عرصههای علم و فناوری، اقتصاد، مسائل اجتماعی، سیاستورزی بینالمللی و تأثیرگذاری بر ملتها، پیشرفت خواهد كرد و تفكر، دین و شعارش فراگیر خواهد شد.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی تأكید كردند: به لطف خداوند و به بركت این ایستادگی و استحكام درونی ملت ایران، جوانان ، با همتها و استقامت خود كشور را همانند دسته گل خواهند ساخت و آن را تبدیل به یك الگوی موفق و پیشرفته برای جهان اسلام خواهند كرد.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای لازمه پیشرفت و سازندگی كشور را، استمرار حركت در مسیر صراط مستقیم الهی و راه اسلام، دیانت و شریعت و حفظ هوشیاری و بصیرت و عمل به وظیفه دانستند و با اشاره به انتخابات پیش روی مجلس نهم افزودند: دستگاههای تبلیغاتی و رسانههای جبهه استكبار و عوامل همیشگی آنها، تلاش گستردهای را آغاز كردهاند تا انتخابات مجلس، انتخابات بیرونقی باشد اما همه باید بدانند كه حضور مردم در انتخابات، كشور را به پیش خواهد برد و دشمن را در اجرای توطئههایش دچار تردید و تزلزل و وادار به عقب نشینی خواهد كرد. ایشان تأكید كردند: انتخابات پرشور ضربه سختی به دشمن خواهد بود.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی با تأكید بر اینكه دلهای مردم در دست خدا است، افزودند: با عنایت و كمك خداوند متعال، انتخابات مجلس نهم پرشور و با احساس و همراه با بصیرت و حضور فراوان مردم، برگزار خواهد شد.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی اظهار امیدواری كردند نتیجه انتخابات دوازدهم اسفند، انتخاب مجلس و نمایندگانی خوب برای ورود به عرصه كار و خدمت باشد.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای در بخش دیگری از سخنان خود با اشاره به نقش و جایگاه آذربایجان و بویژه تبریز در حوادث و تحولات یكصد سال گذشته كشور، افزودند: مهمترین ویژگی قهرمانان و نامآوران تبریز همچون ستارخان و باقرخان، تدین و حركت در مسیر دین و پیروی از علمای دین بوده است.
ایشان همچنین با اشاره به نقشآفرینی علما و مردم آذربایجان و تبریز در نهضت اسلامی و حوادث مربوط به پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی و بعد از آن، خاطرنشان كردند: تقدیم دو شهید محراب از میان پنج شهید محراب، و شجاعت و خطشكنی لشكر دلاور و قهرمان عاشورا در دوران دفاع مقدس نمونههایی از كارنامه درخشان و برجسته مردم آذربایجان است.
در ابتدای این دیدار آیتالله مجتهد شبستری نماینده ولی فقیه و امامجمعه تبریز در سخنانی ضمن گرامیداشت قیام 29 بهمن در سال 1356، به پیشگامی مردم آذربایجان در عرصههای مختلف انقلاب اسلامی اشاره كرد و گفت: مردم غیور و بابصیرت آذربایجان، در انتخابات 12 اسفند نیز حماسهای فراموشنشدنی خلق خواهند كرد.
http://english.khamenei.ir//index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1587
Supreme Leader: Massive Voter Turnout Harms Enemies
15/02/2012
Ayatollah Khamenei the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution met today with thousands of religious scholars, government officials and ordinary citizens from East Azerbaijan. At the meeting, His Eminence referred to the upcoming parliamentary elections and said that the enemies are making widespread efforts to discourage the people from taking part in the elections. He added that massive presence of the people in the elections will harm the enemy and force him to back down.
Ayatollah Khamenei said that the enthusiastic and massive presence of the people in the demonstrations marking the victory of the Islamic Revolution is indicative of the extraordinary insight of the Iranian people. \"With this insight, the Iranian nation will never be defeated. In the elections that will be held on March 2, the people of Iran will once again prove their vigilance and their awareness of the requirements of time. And they will deal another serious blow to the enemy with their enthusiastic and massive presence in the 9th parliamentary elections.\"
Ayatollah Khamenei added: \"This year everybody was stressing that the people had a more enthusiastic presence in the nationwide demonstrations marking the 22nd of Bahman, but the important question is: why were the demonstrations so massive this year?\"
Ayatollah Khamenei said: \"The answer to this question is related to nothing but the extraordinary insight of the people and their awareness of the requirements of time because the people of Iran felt that our country, our government and Islam need their presence in the demonstrations.\"
His Eminence referred to the widespread propaganda by the enemies, led by the network of global Zionism, and stressed that the main goal of this propaganda is to promote the lie that the courageous and pious people of Iran are disappointed at the Revolution and Islam.
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution added: \"These propaganda efforts were focused on the demonstrations of the 22nd of Bahman in the hope that they would discourage the people from participating in the demonstrations, but the Iranian nation discovered this plot thanks to its insight and its awareness of the requirements of time. With their massive presence in the demonstrations marking the 22nd of Bahman, the people of Iran kicked the enemy in the mouth.\"
His Eminence stressed: \"The message of this massive presence of the Iranian people in the demonstrations was delivered to those who should have received the message.\"
He added that those who were cherishing illusions regarding Iran realized the nature of the events that are happening in Iran.
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution said that the propaganda machines of the arrogant powers tried to impose a news blackout on the great and massive presence of the people in the demonstrations. He added: \"Those who claim to support free flow of information censored the reports related to these demonstrations.\"
Ayatollah Khamenei stressed: \"Since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, the enemy has utilized different methods to deceive and to promote lies, but when the people of a nation express a message from the bottom of their heart, that message proves effective.\"
His Eminence said that the slogans which used to be shouted by the Iranian nation are spreading to other parts of the world of Islam, further adding: \"Islam has reached a sensitive point in its great movement and future generations will witness important events which will transform the world of Islam and annihilate the dominant and materialistic policies of the arrogant powers.\"
Ayatollah Khamenei referred to the wave of Islamic Awakening in the world and added: \"The Islamic Republic of Iran was the original source of this movement.\"
His Eminence said that the resistance of the Iranian nation is the secret behind the success and achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He added: \"When a nation stands up against the enemy\'s fearsome network without feeling afraid, it makes progress in science, it makes progress in economic areas, it makes progress in social matters, its youth become vigilant, it gains influence over other nations, and its ideas, religion and slogans spread to all parts of the world.\"
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Description:
http://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=19054
دیدار مردم آذربایجان با رهبر انقلاب
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای رهبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی صبح امروز (چهارشنبه) در دیدار هزاران نفر از علماء، مسئولان و قشرهای مختلف مردم آذربایجان، با اشاره به حضور دهها میلیونی و بسیار پرشورتر و با نشاطتر مردم در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن امسال، چرائی این اعجابآفرینی و عظمت ملت عزیز ایران را، بصیرت و موقعشناسی بینظیر آنان دانستند و تأكید كردند: ملت ایران با این بصیرت، ایستادگی و حضور بههنگام در صحنه، هیچگاه شكست نخواهد خورد و در انتخابات 12 اسفند نیز ملت بار دیگر هوشیاری و موقعشناسی خود را نشان خواهد داد و با حضور پرشور و فراوان خود در انتخابات مجلس نهم، ضربه سخت دیگری به دشمن خواهد زد.
در این دیدار كه در آستانه 29 بهمن، سالروز قیام مردم تبریز بر ضد رژیم ستمشاهی در سال 1356، برگزار شد، رهبر انقلاب اسلامی حوادث مهم انقلاب اسلامی را درسآموز و شاخصهای عمده در مسیر حركت بسوی قلهها و اهداف برشمردند و با اشاره به راهپیمایی عظیم ملت ایران در 22 بهمن افزودند: امسال همه تأكید داشتند كه حضور مردم در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن در سراسر كشور، نسبت به سالهای قبل، پرشورتر و با نشاطتر بوده است اما سؤال مهم این است كه چرا امسال شاهد چنین حضور با عظمتتری بودیم؟
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای خاطرنشان كردند: پاسخ به این سؤال جز به بصیرت و موقعشناسی كمنظیر مردم بر نمیگردد زیرا ملت ایران امسال احساس كرد كه كشور و نظام و اسلام به این حضور نیازمند است.
ایشان با اشاره به تبلیغات پرحجم و گسترده رسانهها و دستگاههای تبلیغاتی جبهه دشمن عنود و شریر، تحت هدایت شبكه صهیونیستی جهانی، تأكید كردند: هدف اصلی تبلیغات متراكم، القای این دروغ بزرگ بود كه ملت شجاع، مؤمن و امتحان داده ایران، نسبت به انقلاب، اسلام و اهداف والای خود سست و بیانگیزه شده است.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی افزودند: تمركز این تبلیغات هم بر روی راهپیمایی 22 بهمن بود تا شاید حضور مردم كمرنگ و بیرونق شود اما ملت ایران با بصیرت و موقعشناسی اعجاببرانگیز ، متوجه این ترفند دشمن شد و با حضور عظیم خود در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن امسال، به دهان دشمن كوبید.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای با اشاره به گزارشهای موثق درخصوص حضور بسیار پرشور و گسترده مردم در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن در هشتصد و پنجاه شهر كشور خاطرنشان كردند: این ملت ایران است. این ملت با چنین بصیرت و موقعشناسی و حضور در صحنه، شكست نخواهد خورد.
ایشان تأكید كردند: آنهایی كه باید پیام این حضور با عظمت مردم ایران در راهپیمایی 22 بهمن را بگیرند، گرفتند و آنهایی كه در مغزهای الكلی و آفتدیده خود، خیالاتی در سر میپروراندند، متوجه شدند كه در ایران چه خبر است و ملت قهرمان ایران چگونه در صحنه حاضر است.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی با اشاره به تلاش دستگاههای تبلیغاتی جبهه استكبار برای منعكس نشدن حقیقت و عظمت حضور مردم افزودند: كسانی كه مدعی آزادی اطلاعات و اخبار هستند، اخبار مربوط به این راهپیمایی را سانسور كردند و راهپیمایان میلیونی تهران را هزاران نفر و جمعیت دهها میلیونی كشور در راهپیمایی را صدها هزار نفر عنوان كردند.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای تأكید كردند: دشمن همواره از ابتدای پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی، انواع شیوههای دروغپردازی، تقلب، خدعه و تزویر را بكار گرفته است اما هنگامی كه پیام صادقانه یك ملت از دل برآید، كار خود را خواهد كرد و احساس حضور و انقلابیگری و حركت همراه با عزم راسخ، همچون هوای خوش بهاری در همه جا نفوذ و همه را بهرهمند خواهد كرد.
ایشان افزودند: نمونه آشكار این واقعیت، تحولات اخیر در شمال آفریقا، و كشورهای عربی و دنیای اسلام و فراگیر شدن شعارهایی است كه روزی ملت ایران، مظلومانه آنها را سر میداد.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی تأكید كردند: اسلام در حركت عظیم خود به نقطه حساسی رسیده است و نسلهای آینده شاهد حوادث مهمی خواهند بود كه دنیا را دگرگون خواهد كرد و سیاستهای مسلط مادی مستكبرانه را نیز از بین خواهد برد.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای خاطرنشان كردند: كانون اصلی این حركت، جمهوری اسلامی ایران است و جوشش اولیه آن هم از ایران بوده و ملت ایران همچنان ایستاده است.
ایشان، ایستادگی ملت ایران را رمز موفقیت و دستاوردهای بزرگ نظام اسلامی دانستند و افزودند: هنگامی كه ملتی میایستد و در مقابل شبكه پرهیمنه و پرهیاهو دشمن به خود ترس و واهمه راه نمیدهد، در عرصههای علم و فناوری، اقتصاد، مسائل اجتماعی، سیاستورزی بینالمللی و تأثیرگذاری بر ملتها، پیشرفت خواهد كرد و تفكر، دین و شعارش فراگیر خواهد شد.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی تأكید كردند: به لطف خداوند و به بركت این ایستادگی و استحكام درونی ملت ایران، جوانان ، با همتها و استقامت خود كشور را همانند دسته گل خواهند ساخت و آن را تبدیل به یك الگوی موفق و پیشرفته برای جهان اسلام خواهند كرد.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای لازمه پیشرفت و سازندگی كشور را، استمرار حركت در مسیر صراط مستقیم الهی و راه اسلام، دیانت و شریعت و حفظ هوشیاری و بصیرت و عمل به وظیفه دانستند و با اشاره به انتخابات پیش روی مجلس نهم افزودند: دستگاههای تبلیغاتی و رسانههای جبهه استكبار و عوامل همیشگی آنها، تلاش گستردهای را آغاز كردهاند تا انتخابات مجلس، انتخابات بیرونقی باشد اما همه باید بدانند كه حضور مردم در انتخابات، كشور را به پیش خواهد برد و دشمن را در اجرای توطئههایش دچار تردید و تزلزل و وادار به عقب نشینی خواهد كرد. ایشان تأكید كردند: انتخابات پرشور ضربه سختی به دشمن خواهد بود.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی با تأكید بر اینكه دلهای مردم در دست خدا است، افزودند: با عنایت و كمك خداوند متعال، انتخابات مجلس نهم پرشور و با احساس و همراه با بصیرت و حضور فراوان مردم، برگزار خواهد شد.
رهبر انقلاب اسلامی اظهار امیدواری كردند نتیجه انتخابات دوازدهم اسفند، انتخاب مجلس و نمایندگانی خوب برای ورود به عرصه كار و خدمت باشد.
حضرت آیتالله خامنهای در بخش دیگری از سخنان خود با اشاره به نقش و جایگاه آذربایجان و بویژه تبریز در حوادث و تحولات یكصد سال گذشته كشور، افزودند: مهمترین ویژگی قهرمانان و نامآوران تبریز همچون ستارخان و باقرخان، تدین و حركت در مسیر دین و پیروی از علمای دین بوده است.
ایشان همچنین با اشاره به نقشآفرینی علما و مردم آذربایجان و تبریز در نهضت اسلامی و حوادث مربوط به پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی و بعد از آن، خاطرنشان كردند: تقدیم دو شهید محراب از میان پنج شهید محراب، و شجاعت و خطشكنی لشكر دلاور و قهرمان عاشورا در دوران دفاع مقدس نمونههایی از كارنامه درخشان و برجسته مردم آذربایجان است.
در ابتدای این دیدار آیتالله مجتهد شبستری نماینده ولی فقیه و امامجمعه تبریز در سخنانی ضمن گرامیداشت قیام 29 بهمن در سال 1356، به پیشگامی مردم آذربایجان در عرصههای مختلف انقلاب اسلامی اشاره كرد و گفت: مردم غیور و بابصیرت آذربایجان، در انتخابات 12 اسفند نیز حماسهای فراموشنشدنی خلق خواهند كرد.
http://english.khamenei.ir//index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1587
Supreme Leader: Massive Voter Turnout Harms Enemies
15/02/2012
Ayatollah Khamenei the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution met today with thousands of religious scholars, government officials and ordinary citizens from East Azerbaijan. At the meeting, His Eminence referred to the upcoming parliamentary elections and said that the enemies are making widespread efforts to discourage the people from taking part in the elections. He added that massive presence of the people in the elections will harm the enemy and force him to back down.
Ayatollah Khamenei said that the enthusiastic and massive presence of the people in the demonstrations marking the victory of the Islamic Revolution is indicative of the extraordinary insight of the Iranian people. \"With this insight, the Iranian nation will never be defeated. In the elections that will be held on March 2, the people of Iran will once again prove their vigilance and their awareness of the requirements of time. And they will deal another serious blow to the enemy with their enthusiastic and massive presence in the 9th parliamentary elections.\"
Ayatollah Khamenei added: \"This year everybody was stressing that the people had a more enthusiastic presence in the nationwide demonstrations marking the 22nd of Bahman, but the important question is: why were the demonstrations so massive this year?\"
Ayatollah Khamenei said: \"The answer to this question is related to nothing but the extraordinary insight of the people and their awareness of the requirements of time because the people of Iran felt that our country, our government and Islam need their presence in the demonstrations.\"
His Eminence referred to the widespread propaganda by the enemies, led by the network of global Zionism, and stressed that the main goal of this propaganda is to promote the lie that the courageous and pious people of Iran are disappointed at the Revolution and Islam.
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution added: \"These propaganda efforts were focused on the demonstrations of the 22nd of Bahman in the hope that they would discourage the people from participating in the demonstrations, but the Iranian nation discovered this plot thanks to its insight and its awareness of the requirements of time. With their massive presence in the demonstrations marking the 22nd of Bahman, the people of Iran kicked the enemy in the mouth.\"
His Eminence stressed: \"The message of this massive presence of the Iranian people in the demonstrations was delivered to those who should have received the message.\"
He added that those who were cherishing illusions regarding Iran realized the nature of the events that are happening in Iran.
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution said that the propaganda machines of the arrogant powers tried to impose a news blackout on the great and massive presence of the people in the demonstrations. He added: \"Those who claim to support free flow of information censored the reports related to these demonstrations.\"
Ayatollah Khamenei stressed: \"Since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, the enemy has utilized different methods to deceive and to promote lies, but when the people of a nation express a message from the bottom of their heart, that message proves effective.\"
His Eminence said that the slogans which used to be shouted by the Iranian nation are spreading to other parts of the world of Islam, further adding: \"Islam has reached a sensitive point in its great movement and future generations will witness important events which will transform the world of Islam and annihilate the dominant and materialistic policies of the arrogant powers.\"
Ayatollah Khamenei referred to the wave of Islamic Awakening in the world and added: \"The Islamic Republic of Iran was the original source of this movement.\"
His Eminence said that the resistance of the Iranian nation is the secret behind the success and achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He added: \"When a nation stands up against the enemy\'s fearsome network without feeling afraid, it makes progress in science, it makes progress in economic areas, it makes progress in social matters, its youth become vigilant, it gains influence over other nations, and its ideas, religion and slogans spread to all parts of the world.\"
President Ahmadinejad Interview Sept 08 with Democracy Now - Part 1 - English
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,...
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
President Ahmadinejad was interviewed recently in New York by Democracy Now
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Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
President Ahmadinejad was interviewed recently in New York by Democracy Now
President Ahmadinejad Interview Sept 08 with Democracy Now - Part 3 - English
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,...
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
More...
Description:
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the Threat of US Attack and International Criticism of Iran’s Human Rights Record
In part one of an interview with Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad talks about the threat of a US attack on Iran and responds to international criticism of Iran’s human rights record. We also get reaction from CUNY Professor Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert and author of several books on Iran.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addressed the United Nations General Assembly this week, while the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, is meeting in Vienna to discuss Iran’s alleged nuclear program. An IAEA report earlier this month criticized Iran for failing to fully respond to questions about its nuclear activities.
The European Union told the IAEA Wednesday that it believes Iran is moving closer to being able to arm a nuclear warhead. Iran could face a fourth set of Security Council sanctions over its nuclear activities, but this week Russia has refused to meet with the US on this issue.
The Iranian president refuted the IAEA’s charges in his speech to the General Assembly and accused the agency of succumbing to political pressure. He also welcomed talks with the United States if it cuts back threats to use military force against Iran.
AMY GOODMAN: As with every visit of the Iranian president to New York, some groups protested outside the United Nations. But this year, President Ahmadinejad also met with a large delegation of American peace activists concerned with the escalating possibility of war with Iran.
Well, yesterday, just before their meeting, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with the Iranian president at his hotel, blocks from the UN, for a wide-ranging discussion about US-Iran relations, Iran’s nuclear program, threat of war with the US, the Israel-Palestine conflict, human rights in Iran and much more.
Today, part one of our interview with the Iranian president.
AMY GOODMAN: Welcome to Democracy Now!, President Ahmadinejad. You’ve come to the United States. What is your message to people in the United States and to the world community at the UN?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] In the name of God, the compassion of the Merciful, the president started by reciting verses from the Holy Quran in Arabic.
Hello. Hello to the people of America. The message from the nation and people of Iran is one of peace, tranquility and brotherhood. We believe that viable peace and security can happen when it is based on justice and piety and purity. Otherwise, no peace will occur.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you’re faced now in Iran with American soldiers in Iraq to your west, with American soldiers and NATO troops to your east in Afghanistan, and with Blackwater, the notorious military contractor, training the military in Azerbaijan, another neighbor of yours. What is the effect on your country of this enormous presence of American forces around Iran and the impact of these wars on your own population?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] It’s quite natural that when there are wars around your borders, it brings about negative repercussions for the entire region. These days, insecurity cannot be bordered; it just extends beyond boundaries. In the past two years, we had several cases of bomb explosions in southern towns in Iran carried out by people who were supervised by the occupying forces in our neighborhood. And in Afghanistan, following the presence of NATO troops, the production of illicit drugs has multiplied. It’s natural that it basically places pressure on Iran, including costly ones in order to fight the flow of illicit drugs.
We believe the people in the region are able to establish security themselves, on their own, so there is no need for foreigners and external forces, because these external forces have not helped the security of the region.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see them as a threat to you?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, it’s natural that when there is insecurity, it threatens everyone.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to turn for a moment to your domestic policies and law enforcement in your country. Human Rights Watch, which has often criticized the legal system in the United States, says that, under your presidency, there has been a great expansion in the scope and the number of individuals and activities persecuted by the government. They say that you’ve jailed teachers who are fighting for wages and better pensions, students and activists working for reform, and other labor leaders, like Mansour Ossanlou from the bus workers’ union. What is your response to these criticisms of your policies?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] I think that the human rights situation in Iran is relatively a good one, when compared to the United States and other countries. Of course, when we look at the ideals that are dear to us, we understand that we still need to do a lot, because we seek divine and religious ideals and revolutionary ones. But when we compare ourselves with some European countries and the United States, we feel we’re in a much better place.
A large part of the information that these groups receive come from criticisms coming from groups that oppose the government. If you look at it, we have elections in Iran every year. And the propaganda is always around, too. But they’re not always true. Groups accuse one another.
But within the region and compared to the United States, we have the smallest number of prisoners, because in Iran, in general, there is not so much inclination to imprison people. We’re actually looking at our existing laws right now to see how we can eliminate most prisons around the country. So, you can see that people in Iran like each other. They live coexistently and like the government, too. This news is more important to these groups, not so much for the Iranian people. You have to remember, we have over 70 million people in our country, and we have laws. Some people might violate it, and then, according to the law, the judiciary takes charge. And this happens everywhere. What really matters is that in the end there are the least amount of such violations of the law in Iran, the least number.
So, I think the interpretation of these events is a wrong one. The relationship between the people and the government in Iran is actually a very close one. And criticizing the government is absolutely free for all. That’s exactly why everyone says what they want. There’s really no restrictions. It doesn’t necessarily mean that everything you hear is always true. And the government doesn’t really respond to it, either. It’s just free.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Let me ask you in particular about the question of the execution of juveniles. My understanding is that Iran is one of only five or six nations in the world that still execute juveniles convicted of capital offenses and that you—by far, you execute the most. I think twenty-six of the last thirty-two juveniles executed in the world were executed in Iran. How is this a reflection of the—of a state guided by religious principles, to execute young people?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Firstly, nobody is executed under the age of eighteen in Iran. This is the first point. And then, please pay attention to the fact that the legal age in Iran is different from yours. It’s not eighteen and doesn’t have to be eighteen everywhere. So, it’s different in different countries. I’ll ask you, if a person who happens to be seventeen years old and nine months kills one of your relatives, will you just overlook that?
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll continue our interview with Iranian President Ahmadinejad after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview with the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I’d like to ask you, recently the Bush administration agreed to provide Israel with many new bunker buster bombs that people speculate might be used against Iran. Your reaction to this decision by the Bush administration? And do you—and there have been numerous reports in the American press of the Bush administration seeking to finance a secret war against Iran right now.
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, we actually think that the US administration and some other governments have equipped the Zionist regime with the nuclear warhead for those bombs, too. So, what are we to tell the American administration, a government that seeks a solution to all problems through war? Their logic is one of war. In the past twenty years, Americans’ military expenditures have multiplied. So I think the problem should be resolved somewhere else, meaning the people of America themselves must decide about their future. Do they like new wars to be waged in their names that kill nations or have their money spent on warfare? So I think that’s where the problem can be addressed.
AMY GOODMAN: The investigative reporter Seymour Hersh said the Bush administration held a meeting in Vice President Cheney’s office to discuss ways to provoke a war with Iran. Hersh said it was considered possibly a meeting to stage an incident, that it would appear that Iranian boats had attacked US forces in the Straits of Hormuz. Do you have any evidence of this?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Well, you have to pay attention to find that a lot of this kind of stuff is published out there. There’s no need for us to react to it.
Of course, Mr. Bush is very interested to start a new war. But he confronts two big barriers. One is the incapability in terms of maneuverability and operationally. Iran is a very big country, a very powerful country, very much capable of defending itself. The second barrier is the United States itself. We think there are enough wise people in this country to prevent the unreasonable actions by the administration. Even among the military commanders here, there are many people with wisdom who will stop a new war. I think the beginning or the starting a new war will mark the beginning of the end of the United States of America. Many people can understand that.
But I also think that Mr. Bush’s administration is coming to an end. Mr. Bush still has one other chance to make up for the mistakes he did in the past. He has no time to add to those list of mistakes. He can only make up for them. And that’s a very good opportunity to have. So, I would advise him to take advantage of this opportunity, so that at least while you’re in power, you do a couple—few good acts, as well. It’s better than to end one’s work with a report card of failures and of abhorrent acts. We’re willing to help him in doing good. We’ll be very happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And your nuclear program?
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD: [translated] Our time seems to be over, but our nuclear program is peaceful. It’s very transparent for everyone to see.
Your media is a progressive one. Let me just say a sentence here.
I think that the time for the atomic bomb has reached an end. Don’t you feel that yourself? What will determine the future is culture, it’s the power of thought. Was the atomic bomb able to save the former Soviet Union from collapsing? Was it able to give victory to the Zionist regime of confronting the Palestinians? Was it able to resolve America’s or US problems in Iraq and Afghanistan? Naturally, its usage has come to an end.
It’s very wrong to spend people’s money building new atomic bombs. This money should be spent on creating welfare, prosperity, health, education, employment, and as aid that should be distributed among others’ countries, to destroy the reasons for war and for insecurity and terrorism. Rest assured, whoever who seeks to have atomic bombs more and more is just politically backward. And those who have these arsenals and are busy making new generations of those bombs are even more backward.
I think a disloyalty has occurred to the human community. Atomic energy power is a clean one. It’s a renewable one, and it is a positive [inaudible]. Up to this day, we’ve identified at least sixteen positive applications from it. We’re already aware that the extent to which we have used fossil fuels has imbalanced the climate of the world, brought about a lot of pollution, as well as a lot of diseases, as a result. So what’s wrong with all countries having peaceful nuclear power and enjoying the benefits of this energy? It’s actually a power that is constructively environmental. All those nuclear powers have come and said, well, having nuclear energy is the equivalent of having an atomic bomb pretty much—just a big lie.
AMY GOODMAN: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Tomorrow, part two of our conversation. But right now, we’re joined by Ervand Abrahamian. He’s an Iran expert, CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College, City University of New York, author of a number of books, most recently, A History of Modern Iran.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk about both what the Iranian president said here and his overall trip? Was it a different message this year?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: No, it’s very much the same complacency, that, you know, everything’s fine. There may be some problems in Iran and in foreign relations, but overall, Iran is confident and is—basically the mantra of the administration in Iran is that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran. And I think the Iranian government’s whole policy is based on that. I wish I was as confident as Ahmadinejad is.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And his dismissing of the situation, the human rights situation, in Iran, basically ascribing any arrests to some lawbreakers? Your sense of what is the human rights situation right there?
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I mean, he basically changed the question and talked about, you know, the probably two million prisoners in America, which is of course true, but it certainly changes the topic of the discussion.
Now, in Iran, you can be imprisoned for the talking of abolishing capital punishment. In fact, that’s considered blasphemy, and academics have been charged with capital offense for actually questioning capital punishment. So, he doesn’t really want to address those issues. And there have been major purges in the university recently, and of course the plight of the newspapers is very dramatic. I mean, mass newspapers have been closed down. Editors have been brought before courts, and so on. So, I would find that the human rights situation—I would agree with the Human Rights Watch, that things are bad.
But I would like to stress that human rights organizations in Iran don’t want that issue involved with the US-Iran relations, because every time the US steps in and tries to champion a question of human rights, I think that backfires in Iran, because most Iranians know the history of US involvement in Iran, and they feel it’s hypocrisy when the Bush administration talks about human rights. So they would like to distance themselves. And Shirin Ebadi, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, has made it quite clear that she doesn’t want this championing by the United States of the human rights issue.
AMY GOODMAN: Big protest outside. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Israel Project, UJ Federation of New York, United Jewish Communities protested. They invited Hillary Clinton. She was going to speak. But they invited—then they invited Governor Palin, and so then Clinton pulled out, so they had had to disinvite Palin. And then you had the peace movement inside, meeting with Ahmadinejad.
ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes, I think—I mean, the demonstrations outside are basically pushing for some sort of air strikes on the premise that Iran is an imminent threat and trying to build up that sort of pressure on the administration. And clearly, I think the Obama administration would not want to do that, but they would probably have a fair good hearing in the—if there was a McCain administration.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. Part two of our conversation tomorrow. We talk about the Israel-Palestine issue, we talk about the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Iran, and we talk about how the Iraq war has affected Iran with the Iranian president
9:01
|
English Noha - You Take All the Children - English
English Noha You take all the children By: Nouri Sardar, recited by Ali Fadhil
Artwork by Various Artists
A noha about Fatima Sughra, the daughter of Imam Hussain (a.s.) left behind in...
English Noha You take all the children By: Nouri Sardar, recited by Ali Fadhil
Artwork by Various Artists
A noha about Fatima Sughra, the daughter of Imam Hussain (a.s.) left behind in Madinah.
Noha Lyrics:
1
I wake up to find you have left, oh father
My tears drip down and they flow like a river
Please come back I ask you by our Creator
I have never been away from you ever
I miss your scent and kiss, oh son of Haidar
And my name is the sweet name of your mother
You\\\'ve given me this name and you I do not blame
Your mother she loved you and my love is the same (2xs)
Your words I want to hear, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
Chorus
You take all the children, you take all the women,
So why did you leave me and leave my heart broken?
You leave me alone here, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken and leave my heart broken
2
I stand and wait at my door for your return
You left me but took all the other children
With every passing day I feel my heart burn
I long to kiss you, your warmth is what I yearn
You are my rose, my flower, and my vision
Without Hussain to who am I left to turn
I\\\'m surrounded by night, father you were my light
I live in a shadow without hearing or sight (2xs)
I long to hold you near, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
3
He tells me \\\"Oh my rose, why are your eyes wet\\\"?
I tell him \\\"your absence my heart can\\\'t accept\\\"
\\\"My father every night at your side I\\\'ve slept\\\"
\\\"I\\\'ve never met anyone like you I\\\'ve met\\\"
\\\"Your hand in my hand always I would have kept\\\"
\\\"Everyday I was apart from you I\\\'ve wept\\\"
He tells me \\\"oh young one, it is God\\\'s decision\\\"
\\\"That you must be left here and live life an orphan\\\" (2xs)
I tell him \\\"I can\\\'t bear, you leave me with my tears\\\"
\\\"And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken\\\"
4
I ask him \\\"by Zahra why would leave me?\\\"
\\\"Since my birth everyday you have been near me\\\"
He tells me \\\"Oh star my death approaches me\\\"
\\\"You remind me of my mother, it hurts me\\\"
But I tell him \\\"I don\\\'t care if death takes me\\\"
\\\"Let me die beside you father please let me\\\"
\\\"With you and your body please let me be buried\\\"
\\\"Together we will die this will make me happy\\\" (2xs)
My loneliness I fear, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
5
You took with you my brothers, sisters and all
I wish the skies both day and night on me fall
Your mother cried out between the door and wall
My father I cry out to the same call
I cry when Shimr over your neck stands tall
I shed tears when Zainab cries in Yazeed\\\'s hall
I cry when the arrows make my father\\\'s blood flow
They take Hussain away, leave me with his shadow (2xs)
Your shadow I hold dear, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
More...
Description:
English Noha You take all the children By: Nouri Sardar, recited by Ali Fadhil
Artwork by Various Artists
A noha about Fatima Sughra, the daughter of Imam Hussain (a.s.) left behind in Madinah.
Noha Lyrics:
1
I wake up to find you have left, oh father
My tears drip down and they flow like a river
Please come back I ask you by our Creator
I have never been away from you ever
I miss your scent and kiss, oh son of Haidar
And my name is the sweet name of your mother
You\\\'ve given me this name and you I do not blame
Your mother she loved you and my love is the same (2xs)
Your words I want to hear, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
Chorus
You take all the children, you take all the women,
So why did you leave me and leave my heart broken?
You leave me alone here, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken and leave my heart broken
2
I stand and wait at my door for your return
You left me but took all the other children
With every passing day I feel my heart burn
I long to kiss you, your warmth is what I yearn
You are my rose, my flower, and my vision
Without Hussain to who am I left to turn
I\\\'m surrounded by night, father you were my light
I live in a shadow without hearing or sight (2xs)
I long to hold you near, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
3
He tells me \\\"Oh my rose, why are your eyes wet\\\"?
I tell him \\\"your absence my heart can\\\'t accept\\\"
\\\"My father every night at your side I\\\'ve slept\\\"
\\\"I\\\'ve never met anyone like you I\\\'ve met\\\"
\\\"Your hand in my hand always I would have kept\\\"
\\\"Everyday I was apart from you I\\\'ve wept\\\"
He tells me \\\"oh young one, it is God\\\'s decision\\\"
\\\"That you must be left here and live life an orphan\\\" (2xs)
I tell him \\\"I can\\\'t bear, you leave me with my tears\\\"
\\\"And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken\\\"
4
I ask him \\\"by Zahra why would leave me?\\\"
\\\"Since my birth everyday you have been near me\\\"
He tells me \\\"Oh star my death approaches me\\\"
\\\"You remind me of my mother, it hurts me\\\"
But I tell him \\\"I don\\\'t care if death takes me\\\"
\\\"Let me die beside you father please let me\\\"
\\\"With you and your body please let me be buried\\\"
\\\"Together we will die this will make me happy\\\" (2xs)
My loneliness I fear, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
5
You took with you my brothers, sisters and all
I wish the skies both day and night on me fall
Your mother cried out between the door and wall
My father I cry out to the same call
I cry when Shimr over your neck stands tall
I shed tears when Zainab cries in Yazeed\\\'s hall
I cry when the arrows make my father\\\'s blood flow
They take Hussain away, leave me with his shadow (2xs)
Your shadow I hold dear, you leave me with my tears
And leave my heart broken, and leave my heart broken
34:40
|
[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar Asad Interview - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
6:27
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Am I not Fatima Zahra (s.a)? - Marthia - English
Am I not Fatima Zahra? By: Nouri Sardar, Recited by: Ali Fadhil. Originally produced by: Ahlul-Bayt TV. A lyrical poem (marthia) about the tragedy of Hazrat Fatima (a.s.). I do not...
Am I not Fatima Zahra? By: Nouri Sardar, Recited by: Ali Fadhil. Originally produced by: Ahlul-Bayt TV. A lyrical poem (marthia) about the tragedy of Hazrat Fatima (a.s.). I do not own the audio or the artwork used.
Marthia Lyrics:
Tell me people why my tears flow am I not Fatimah Zahra?
Tell me people why my tears flow why the door and why the fire?
Tell me people why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
Oh people of the world listen. I am the daughter of Ahmed.
I am the rose of his vision. My name flows in the tears he sheds.
I\\\'m the leader of all women, their hands to heaven by me led.
So tell me why oh creation between the wall and door I bled?
Am I not just? Me don\\\'t you trust?
I was born pure me don\\\'t you trust?
In my two eyes rest all my cries with them my wails and my screams
In my two eyes rest all my cries after all the pain they have seen
So I wail why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
As my tears rest beneath my eyes I ask you take me to patience.
I do not know where patience lies nor do I know where is justice.
I cried for Ahmed in my nights and you told me to leave this place.
They pushed the door against my cries and they struck me upon my face.
The broke my rib, all my worship prays against them
All my worship prays against them, all my worship
Do tears not flow when I tell you how my rib broke behind the door?
Do not tears flow when I tell you how from my chest my blood it\\\'s poured?
From the nail why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
Should I tell you about Mohsin were he to be born beautiful?
But they crushed me and crushed my son from my chest by the door I fell.
I heard him cry a scream of screams saying: \\\"Mother to you I tell
I wish I\\\'d grown up by your side but now to your son say farewell.\\\"
I talked to him this sad orphan
Throughout the day and throughout night
I talk to him this sad orphan now all I talk to is the night.
Farewell my child. Why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
More...
Description:
Am I not Fatima Zahra? By: Nouri Sardar, Recited by: Ali Fadhil. Originally produced by: Ahlul-Bayt TV. A lyrical poem (marthia) about the tragedy of Hazrat Fatima (a.s.). I do not own the audio or the artwork used.
Marthia Lyrics:
Tell me people why my tears flow am I not Fatimah Zahra?
Tell me people why my tears flow why the door and why the fire?
Tell me people why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
Oh people of the world listen. I am the daughter of Ahmed.
I am the rose of his vision. My name flows in the tears he sheds.
I\\\'m the leader of all women, their hands to heaven by me led.
So tell me why oh creation between the wall and door I bled?
Am I not just? Me don\\\'t you trust?
I was born pure me don\\\'t you trust?
In my two eyes rest all my cries with them my wails and my screams
In my two eyes rest all my cries after all the pain they have seen
So I wail why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
As my tears rest beneath my eyes I ask you take me to patience.
I do not know where patience lies nor do I know where is justice.
I cried for Ahmed in my nights and you told me to leave this place.
They pushed the door against my cries and they struck me upon my face.
The broke my rib, all my worship prays against them
All my worship prays against them, all my worship
Do tears not flow when I tell you how my rib broke behind the door?
Do not tears flow when I tell you how from my chest my blood it\\\'s poured?
From the nail why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
Should I tell you about Mohsin were he to be born beautiful?
But they crushed me and crushed my son from my chest by the door I fell.
I heard him cry a scream of screams saying: \\\"Mother to you I tell
I wish I\\\'d grown up by your side but now to your son say farewell.\\\"
I talked to him this sad orphan
Throughout the day and throughout night
I talk to him this sad orphan now all I talk to is the night.
Farewell my child. Why the nail why do I cry and why the fire?
3:16
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[28] Short Tafsir by Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei | The Victory of Truth | Farsi Sub English
What is the metaphor and example that Allah uses in the holy Qur\\\'an when He is talking about Truth and falsehood?
And what is the condition for the followers of the Truth to succeed and...
What is the metaphor and example that Allah uses in the holy Qur\\\'an when He is talking about Truth and falsehood?
And what is the condition for the followers of the Truth to succeed and become victorious?
Finally, can the followers of Truth succeed in this era which is the era of the domination of materialism?
Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei provides us with a short interpretation of the following verse of the Holy Quran.
Chapter 13 (al-Ra’d), Verse 17:
“He sends water down from the sky, and valleys flow according to their measure, and the torrent carries a rising foam. And from that [ore] which they heat in the fire, in order to make adornments and utensils, is a foam like it. Thus does Allah present [a metaphor of] Truth and falsehood. As for the foam, it vanishes away as scum; but as for that which benefits humanity, it remains on the earth. Thus does Allah present examples.”
#ShortTafsir #Interpretation #Quran #Concepts #Beliefs
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Description:
What is the metaphor and example that Allah uses in the holy Qur\\\'an when He is talking about Truth and falsehood?
And what is the condition for the followers of the Truth to succeed and become victorious?
Finally, can the followers of Truth succeed in this era which is the era of the domination of materialism?
Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei provides us with a short interpretation of the following verse of the Holy Quran.
Chapter 13 (al-Ra’d), Verse 17:
“He sends water down from the sky, and valleys flow according to their measure, and the torrent carries a rising foam. And from that [ore] which they heat in the fire, in order to make adornments and utensils, is a foam like it. Thus does Allah present [a metaphor of] Truth and falsehood. As for the foam, it vanishes away as scum; but as for that which benefits humanity, it remains on the earth. Thus does Allah present examples.”
#ShortTafsir #Interpretation #Quran #Concepts #Beliefs
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,
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33:34
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on current situation - 30 May 2013
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
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DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
5:24
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Norman Finkelstein speaks on the Israeli raid on Gaza flotilla - English
Contributed by Abuzari. Since its pre-emptive war of 1967, Israel had maintained an aura of "invincibility" and "legitimacy". The first got bitterly crushed in the Summer of...
Contributed by Abuzari. Since its pre-emptive war of 1967, Israel had maintained an aura of "invincibility" and "legitimacy". The first got bitterly crushed in the Summer of 2006 and later in the 2008-9 aggression on Gaza (where Israel failed to neutralize the resistance). As for legitimacy, for Israel it matters most of all in the US. Israel however paid a high price for its inhumane massacres in Lebanon and Gaza because it failed to achieve a clear and tangible victory in these military campaigns (the "birth pangs" of Condi Rice did not yield the desired outcomes which could have been used as justification for Israeli atrocities.) Especially during the Gaza massacre, Israel's image was severely damaged by graphic images and information that got disseminated over internet and through hundreds of protest gatherings in North America and Europe. Israel still had a tighter control on information flow in the corporate media. Due to all of these developments, the entity of Israel is in a deep crisis right now, struggling to survive with whatever means it can, and it may resort to unrealistic steps, including another military warfare. However, what's becoming clearer with every passing day is that it probably won't take too long before this racist entity is finally dismantled like the Apartheid South Africa. See http://gazaawareness.blogspot.com/
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Description:
Contributed by Abuzari. Since its pre-emptive war of 1967, Israel had maintained an aura of "invincibility" and "legitimacy". The first got bitterly crushed in the Summer of 2006 and later in the 2008-9 aggression on Gaza (where Israel failed to neutralize the resistance). As for legitimacy, for Israel it matters most of all in the US. Israel however paid a high price for its inhumane massacres in Lebanon and Gaza because it failed to achieve a clear and tangible victory in these military campaigns (the "birth pangs" of Condi Rice did not yield the desired outcomes which could have been used as justification for Israeli atrocities.) Especially during the Gaza massacre, Israel's image was severely damaged by graphic images and information that got disseminated over internet and through hundreds of protest gatherings in North America and Europe. Israel still had a tighter control on information flow in the corporate media. Due to all of these developments, the entity of Israel is in a deep crisis right now, struggling to survive with whatever means it can, and it may resort to unrealistic steps, including another military warfare. However, what's becoming clearer with every passing day is that it probably won't take too long before this racist entity is finally dismantled like the Apartheid South Africa. See http://gazaawareness.blogspot.com/
Non-Stop flow of Bahraini victims being brought to the hospital - All Languages
Innocent civilians, peaceful protesters are being brought to the hospitals non-stop. The crime of these Bahraini civilians is that they are demanding their rights from the corrupt and puppet...
Innocent civilians, peaceful protesters are being brought to the hospitals non-stop. The crime of these Bahraini civilians is that they are demanding their rights from the corrupt and puppet government.
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Description:
Innocent civilians, peaceful protesters are being brought to the hospitals non-stop. The crime of these Bahraini civilians is that they are demanding their rights from the corrupt and puppet government.
28:14
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Imam Sajjad Duaa in Bidding Farewell to the Month of Ramadan Kareem by Br. Aftab Haider - Urdu
Imam Sajjad-s Duaa (suplication/prayer)in Bidding Farewell to the Month of Ramadan Kareem by Br. Syed Aftab Haider Naqvi at Al-Haadi Musalla Toronto Urdu.....English version of His...
Imam Sajjad-s Duaa (suplication/prayer)in Bidding Farewell to the Month of Ramadan Kareem by Br. Syed Aftab Haider Naqvi at Al-Haadi Musalla Toronto Urdu.....English version of His Supplication in Bidding Farewell to the Month of Ramadan
1 O God, O He who desires no repayment!
2 O He who shows no remorse at bestowal!
3 O He who rewards not His servant tit for tat!
4 Thy kindness is a new beginning, Thy pardon gratuitous bounty, Thy punishment justice, Thy decree a choice for the best!
5 If Thou bestowest, Thou stainest not Thy bestowal with obligation, and if Thou withholdest, Thou withholdest not in transgression.
6 Thou showest gratitude to him who thanks Thee, while Thou hast inspired him to thank Thee.
7 Thou rewardest him who praises Thee, while though Thou hast taught him Thy praise.
8 Thou coverest him whom, if Thou willed, Thou wouldst expose, and Thou art generous toward him from whom, if Thou willed, Thou wouldst withhold. Both are worthy of Thy exposure and withholding, but Thou hast founded Thy acts upon gratuitous bounty, channelled Thy power into forbearance,
9 received him who disobeyed Thee with clemency, and disregarded him who intended wrongdoing against himself. Thou awaitest their turning back without haste and refrainest from rushing them toward repentance, so that the perisher among them may not perish because of Thee and the wretched may not be wretched through Thy favour, but only after Thy prolonged excusing him and successive arguments against him, as an act of generosity through Thy pardon, O Generous, and an act of kindliness through Thy tenderness, O Clement!
10 It is Thou who hast opened for Thy servants a door to Thy pardon, which Thou hast named "repentance". Thou hast placed upon that door a pointer from Thy revelation, lest they stray from it: Thou hast said (blessed are Thy names), Repent toward God with unswerving repentance! It may be that Thy Lord will acquit of your evil deeds and will admit you into gardens beneath which rivers flow,
11 upon the day when God will not degrade the Prophet and those who have faith along with him, their light running before them and on their right hands, and they say: "Our Lord, complete for us our light, and forgive us! Surely Thou art powerful over everything." What is the excuse of him who remains heedless of entering that house after the opening of the door and the setting up of the pointer?
12 It is Thou who hast raised the price against Thyself to the advantage of Thy servants, desiring their profit in their trade with Thee, their triumph through reaching Thee, and their increase on account of Thee, for Thou hast said (blessed is Thy Name and high art Thou exalted), Whoso brings a good deed shall have ten the like of it, and whoso brings an evil deed shall only be recompensed the like of it.
13 Thou hast said, The likeness of those who expend their wealth in the way of God is as the likeness of a grain of corn that sprouts seven ears, in every ear a hundred grains; so God multiplies unto whom He wills. Thou hast said, Who is he that will lend to God a good loan, and He will multiply it for him manifold? And Thou hast sent down in the Qur"an similar verses on the multiplying of good deeds.
14 It is Thou who hast pointed them through Thy speech from Thy Unseen and Thy encouragement in which lies their good fortune toward that which - hadst Thou covered it from them - their eyes would not have perceived, their ears would not have heard, and their imaginations would not have grasped, for Thou hast said, Remember Me and I will remember you be thankful to Me, and be you not thankless towards Me! Thou hast said, If you are thankful, surely I will increase you, but if you are thankless, My chastisement is surely terrible;
15 And Thou hast said, Supplicate Me and I will respond to you, surely those who wax too proud to worship Me shall enter Gehennam utterly abject. Hence Thou hast named supplicating Thee "worship" and refraining from it "waxing proud", and Thou hast threatened that the refraining from it would yield entrance into Gehennam in utter abjection.
16 So they remember Thee for Thy kindness, they thank Thee for Thy bounty, they supplicate Thee by Thy command, and they donate for Thee in order to seek Thy increase; in all this lies their deliverance from Thy wrath and their triumph through Thy good pleasure.
17 Were any creature himself to direct another creature to the like of that to which Thou Thyself hast directed Thy servants, he would be described by beneficence, qualified by kindness, and praised by every tongue. So to Thee belongs praise as long as there is found a way to praise Thee and as long as there remains for praising words by which Thou may be praised and meanings which may be spent in praise!
18 O He who shows Himself praiseworthy to His servants through beneficence and bounty, flooding them with kindness and graciousness! How much Thy favour has been spread about among us, Thy kindness lavished upon us, and Thy goodness singled out for us!
19 Thou hast guided us to Thy religion which Thou hast chosen, Thy creed with which Thou art pleased, and Thy path which Thou hast made smooth, and Thou hast shown us proximity to Thee and arrival at Thy generosity!
20 O God, among the choicest of those duties and the most special of those obligations Thou hast appointed the month of Ramadan, which Thou hast singled out from other months, chosen from among all periods and eras, and preferred over all times of the year through the Qur"an and the Light which Thou sent down within it, the faith which Thou multiplied by means of it, the fasting which Thou obligated therein, the standing in prayer which Thou encouraged at its time, and the Night of Decree which Thou magnified therein, the night which is better than a thousand months.
21 Through it Thou hast preferred us over the other communities and through its excellence Thou hast chosen us to the exclusion of the people of the creeds. We fasted by Thy command in its daylight, we stood in prayer with Thy help in its night, presenting ourselves by its fasting and its standing to the mercy which Thou hast held up before us, and we found through it the means to Thy reward. And Thou art full of what is sought from Thee, munificent with what is asked of Thy bounty, and near to him who strives for Thy nearness.
22 This month stood among us in a standing place of praise, accompanied us with the companionship of one approved, and profited us with the most excellent profit of the world"s creatures. Then it parted from us at the completion of its time, the end of its term, and the fulfilment of its number.
23 So we bid farewell to it with the farewell of one whose parting pains us, whose leaving fills us with gloom and loneliness, and to whom we have come to owe a safeguarded claim, an observed inviolability, and a discharged right. We say: Peace be upon thee, O greatest month of God! O festival of His friends!
24 Peace be upon thee, O most noble of accompanying times! O best of months in days and hours!
25 Peace be upon thee, month in which expectations come near and good works are scattered about!
26 Peace be upon thee, comrade who is great in worth when found and who torments through absence when lost, anticipated friend whose parting gives pain!
27 Peace be upon thee, familiar who brought comfort in coming, thus making happy, who left loneliness in going, thus giving anguish!
28 Peace be upon thee, neighbour in whom hearts became tender and sins became few!
29 Peace be upon thee, helper who aided against Satan, companion who made easy the paths of good-doing!
30 Peace be upon thee - How many became freedmen of God within thee! How happy those who observed the respect due to thee!
31 Peace be upon thee - How many the sins thou erased! How many the kinds of faults thou covered over!
32 Peace be upon thee - How drawn out wert thou for the sinners! How awesome wert thou in the hearts of the faithful!
33 Peace be upon thee, month with which no days compete!
34 Peace be upon thee, month which is peace in all affairs!
35 Peace be upon thee, thou whose companionship is not disliked, thou whose friendly mixing is not blamed!
36 Peace be upon thee, just as thou hast entered upon us with blessings and cleansed us of the defilement of offenses!
37 Peace be upon thee - Thou art not bid farewell in annoyance nor is thy fasting left in weariness! font face=arial size=3>
38 Peace be upon thee, object of seeking before thy time, object of sorrow before thy passing!
39 Peace be upon thee - How much evil was turned away from us through thee! How much good flowed upon us because of thee!
40 Peace be upon thee and upon the Night of Decree which is better than a thousand months!
41 Peace be upon thee - How much we craved thee yesterday! How intensely we shall yearn for thee tomorrow!
42 Peace be upon thee and upon thy bounty which has now been made unlawful to us and upon thy blessings gone by which have now been stripped away from us!
43 O God, we are the people of this month. Through it Thou hast ennobled us and given us success because of Thy kindness, while the wretched are ignorant of its time. Made unlawful to them is its bounty because of their wretchedness.
44 Thou art the patron of the knowledge of it by which Thou hast preferred us, and its prescribed practices to which Thou hast guided us. We have undertaken, through Thy giving success, its fasting and its standing in prayer, but with shortcomings, and we have performed little of much.
45 O God, so to Thee belongs praise, in admission of evil doing and confession of negligence, and to Thee belongs remorse firmly knitted in our hearts and seeking of pardon sincerely uttered by our tongues. Reward us, in spite of the neglect that befell us in this month, with a reward through which we may reach the bounty desired from it and win the varieties of its craved stores!
46 Make incumbent upon us Thy pardon for our falling short of Thy right in this month and make our lives which lie before us reach the coming month of Ramadan! Once Thou hast made us reach it, help us perform the worship of which Thou art worthy, cause us to undertake the obedience which Thou deservest, and grant us righteous works that we may fulfil Thy right in these two months of the months of time.
47 O God, as for the small and large sins which we have committed in this our month, the misdeeds into which we have fallen, and the offenses which we have earned purposefully or in forgetfulness, wronging ourselves thereby or violating the respect due to others, bless Muhammad and his Household, cover us over with Thy covering, pardon us through Thy pardoning, place us not before the eyes of the gloaters because of that, stretch not toward us the tongues of the defamers, and employ us in that which will alleviate and expiate whatever Thou disapprovest from us within it through Thy clemency which does not run out, and Thy bounty which does not diminish!
48 O God, bless Muhammad and his Household, redress our being afflicted by our month, bless us in this day of our festival and our fast-breaking, make it one of the best of days that have passed over us, the greatest in attracting Thy pardon, and the most effacing toward sins, and forgive us our sins, both the concealed and the public!
49 O God, with the passing of this month make us pass forth from our offenses, with its departure make us depart from our evil deeds, and appoint us thereby among its most felicitous people, the most plentiful of them in portion, and the fullest of them in share!
50 O God, when any person observes this month as it should be observed, safeguards its inviolability as it should be safeguarded, attends to its bounds as they should be attended to, fears its misdeeds as they should be feared, or seeks nearness to Thee with any act of nearness-seeking which makes incumbent upon him Thy good pleasure and bends toward him Thy mercy, give to us the like [of that] from Thy wealth and bestow it upon us in multiples through Thy bounty, for Thy bounty does not diminish, Thy treasuries do not decrease but overflow, the mines of Thy beneficence are not exhausted, and Thy bestowal is the bestowal full of delight!
51 O God, bless Muhammad and his Household and write for us the like of the wages of him who fasted in it or worshipped Thee within it until the Day of Resurrection!
52 O God, we repent to Thee in our day of fast-breaking, which Thou hast appointed for the faithful a festival and a joy and for the people of Thy creed a time of assembly and gathering, from every misdeed we did, ill work we sent ahead, or evil thought we secretly conceived, the repentance of one who does not harbour a return to sin and who afterwards will not go back to offense, an unswerving repentance rid of doubt and wavering. So accept it from us, be pleased with us, and fix us within it!
53 O God, provide us with fear of the threatened punishment and yearning for the promised reward, so that we may find the pleasure of that for which we supplicate Thee and the sorrow of that from which we seek sanctuary in Thee!
54 And place us with Thee among the repenters, those upon whom Thou hast made Thy love obligatory and from whom Thou hast accepted the return to obeying Thee! O Most Just of the just!
55 O God, show forbearance toward our fathers and our mothers and all the people of our religion, those who have gone and those who will pass by, until the Day of Resurrection!
56 O God, bless our prophet Muhammad and his Household, as Thou hast blessed Thy angels brought nigh, bless him and his Household, as Thou hast blessed Thy prophets sent out, bless him and his Household, as Thou hast blessed Thy righteous servants - and better than that, O Lord of the worlds! - a blessing whose benediction will reach us, whose benefit will attain to us, and through which our supplication may be granted! Thou art the most generous of those who are beseeched, the most sufficient of those in whom confidence is had, the most bestowing of those from whom bounty is asked, and Thou art powerful over everything!
More...
Description:
Imam Sajjad-s Duaa (suplication/prayer)in Bidding Farewell to the Month of Ramadan Kareem by Br. Syed Aftab Haider Naqvi at Al-Haadi Musalla Toronto Urdu.....English version of His Supplication in Bidding Farewell to the Month of Ramadan
1 O God, O He who desires no repayment!
2 O He who shows no remorse at bestowal!
3 O He who rewards not His servant tit for tat!
4 Thy kindness is a new beginning, Thy pardon gratuitous bounty, Thy punishment justice, Thy decree a choice for the best!
5 If Thou bestowest, Thou stainest not Thy bestowal with obligation, and if Thou withholdest, Thou withholdest not in transgression.
6 Thou showest gratitude to him who thanks Thee, while Thou hast inspired him to thank Thee.
7 Thou rewardest him who praises Thee, while though Thou hast taught him Thy praise.
8 Thou coverest him whom, if Thou willed, Thou wouldst expose, and Thou art generous toward him from whom, if Thou willed, Thou wouldst withhold. Both are worthy of Thy exposure and withholding, but Thou hast founded Thy acts upon gratuitous bounty, channelled Thy power into forbearance,
9 received him who disobeyed Thee with clemency, and disregarded him who intended wrongdoing against himself. Thou awaitest their turning back without haste and refrainest from rushing them toward repentance, so that the perisher among them may not perish because of Thee and the wretched may not be wretched through Thy favour, but only after Thy prolonged excusing him and successive arguments against him, as an act of generosity through Thy pardon, O Generous, and an act of kindliness through Thy tenderness, O Clement!
10 It is Thou who hast opened for Thy servants a door to Thy pardon, which Thou hast named "repentance". Thou hast placed upon that door a pointer from Thy revelation, lest they stray from it: Thou hast said (blessed are Thy names), Repent toward God with unswerving repentance! It may be that Thy Lord will acquit of your evil deeds and will admit you into gardens beneath which rivers flow,
11 upon the day when God will not degrade the Prophet and those who have faith along with him, their light running before them and on their right hands, and they say: "Our Lord, complete for us our light, and forgive us! Surely Thou art powerful over everything." What is the excuse of him who remains heedless of entering that house after the opening of the door and the setting up of the pointer?
12 It is Thou who hast raised the price against Thyself to the advantage of Thy servants, desiring their profit in their trade with Thee, their triumph through reaching Thee, and their increase on account of Thee, for Thou hast said (blessed is Thy Name and high art Thou exalted), Whoso brings a good deed shall have ten the like of it, and whoso brings an evil deed shall only be recompensed the like of it.
13 Thou hast said, The likeness of those who expend their wealth in the way of God is as the likeness of a grain of corn that sprouts seven ears, in every ear a hundred grains; so God multiplies unto whom He wills. Thou hast said, Who is he that will lend to God a good loan, and He will multiply it for him manifold? And Thou hast sent down in the Qur"an similar verses on the multiplying of good deeds.
14 It is Thou who hast pointed them through Thy speech from Thy Unseen and Thy encouragement in which lies their good fortune toward that which - hadst Thou covered it from them - their eyes would not have perceived, their ears would not have heard, and their imaginations would not have grasped, for Thou hast said, Remember Me and I will remember you be thankful to Me, and be you not thankless towards Me! Thou hast said, If you are thankful, surely I will increase you, but if you are thankless, My chastisement is surely terrible;
15 And Thou hast said, Supplicate Me and I will respond to you, surely those who wax too proud to worship Me shall enter Gehennam utterly abject. Hence Thou hast named supplicating Thee "worship" and refraining from it "waxing proud", and Thou hast threatened that the refraining from it would yield entrance into Gehennam in utter abjection.
16 So they remember Thee for Thy kindness, they thank Thee for Thy bounty, they supplicate Thee by Thy command, and they donate for Thee in order to seek Thy increase; in all this lies their deliverance from Thy wrath and their triumph through Thy good pleasure.
17 Were any creature himself to direct another creature to the like of that to which Thou Thyself hast directed Thy servants, he would be described by beneficence, qualified by kindness, and praised by every tongue. So to Thee belongs praise as long as there is found a way to praise Thee and as long as there remains for praising words by which Thou may be praised and meanings which may be spent in praise!
18 O He who shows Himself praiseworthy to His servants through beneficence and bounty, flooding them with kindness and graciousness! How much Thy favour has been spread about among us, Thy kindness lavished upon us, and Thy goodness singled out for us!
19 Thou hast guided us to Thy religion which Thou hast chosen, Thy creed with which Thou art pleased, and Thy path which Thou hast made smooth, and Thou hast shown us proximity to Thee and arrival at Thy generosity!
20 O God, among the choicest of those duties and the most special of those obligations Thou hast appointed the month of Ramadan, which Thou hast singled out from other months, chosen from among all periods and eras, and preferred over all times of the year through the Qur"an and the Light which Thou sent down within it, the faith which Thou multiplied by means of it, the fasting which Thou obligated therein, the standing in prayer which Thou encouraged at its time, and the Night of Decree which Thou magnified therein, the night which is better than a thousand months.
21 Through it Thou hast preferred us over the other communities and through its excellence Thou hast chosen us to the exclusion of the people of the creeds. We fasted by Thy command in its daylight, we stood in prayer with Thy help in its night, presenting ourselves by its fasting and its standing to the mercy which Thou hast held up before us, and we found through it the means to Thy reward. And Thou art full of what is sought from Thee, munificent with what is asked of Thy bounty, and near to him who strives for Thy nearness.
22 This month stood among us in a standing place of praise, accompanied us with the companionship of one approved, and profited us with the most excellent profit of the world"s creatures. Then it parted from us at the completion of its time, the end of its term, and the fulfilment of its number.
23 So we bid farewell to it with the farewell of one whose parting pains us, whose leaving fills us with gloom and loneliness, and to whom we have come to owe a safeguarded claim, an observed inviolability, and a discharged right. We say: Peace be upon thee, O greatest month of God! O festival of His friends!
24 Peace be upon thee, O most noble of accompanying times! O best of months in days and hours!
25 Peace be upon thee, month in which expectations come near and good works are scattered about!
26 Peace be upon thee, comrade who is great in worth when found and who torments through absence when lost, anticipated friend whose parting gives pain!
27 Peace be upon thee, familiar who brought comfort in coming, thus making happy, who left loneliness in going, thus giving anguish!
28 Peace be upon thee, neighbour in whom hearts became tender and sins became few!
29 Peace be upon thee, helper who aided against Satan, companion who made easy the paths of good-doing!
30 Peace be upon thee - How many became freedmen of God within thee! How happy those who observed the respect due to thee!
31 Peace be upon thee - How many the sins thou erased! How many the kinds of faults thou covered over!
32 Peace be upon thee - How drawn out wert thou for the sinners! How awesome wert thou in the hearts of the faithful!
33 Peace be upon thee, month with which no days compete!
34 Peace be upon thee, month which is peace in all affairs!
35 Peace be upon thee, thou whose companionship is not disliked, thou whose friendly mixing is not blamed!
36 Peace be upon thee, just as thou hast entered upon us with blessings and cleansed us of the defilement of offenses!
37 Peace be upon thee - Thou art not bid farewell in annoyance nor is thy fasting left in weariness! font face=arial size=3>
38 Peace be upon thee, object of seeking before thy time, object of sorrow before thy passing!
39 Peace be upon thee - How much evil was turned away from us through thee! How much good flowed upon us because of thee!
40 Peace be upon thee and upon the Night of Decree which is better than a thousand months!
41 Peace be upon thee - How much we craved thee yesterday! How intensely we shall yearn for thee tomorrow!
42 Peace be upon thee and upon thy bounty which has now been made unlawful to us and upon thy blessings gone by which have now been stripped away from us!
43 O God, we are the people of this month. Through it Thou hast ennobled us and given us success because of Thy kindness, while the wretched are ignorant of its time. Made unlawful to them is its bounty because of their wretchedness.
44 Thou art the patron of the knowledge of it by which Thou hast preferred us, and its prescribed practices to which Thou hast guided us. We have undertaken, through Thy giving success, its fasting and its standing in prayer, but with shortcomings, and we have performed little of much.
45 O God, so to Thee belongs praise, in admission of evil doing and confession of negligence, and to Thee belongs remorse firmly knitted in our hearts and seeking of pardon sincerely uttered by our tongues. Reward us, in spite of the neglect that befell us in this month, with a reward through which we may reach the bounty desired from it and win the varieties of its craved stores!
46 Make incumbent upon us Thy pardon for our falling short of Thy right in this month and make our lives which lie before us reach the coming month of Ramadan! Once Thou hast made us reach it, help us perform the worship of which Thou art worthy, cause us to undertake the obedience which Thou deservest, and grant us righteous works that we may fulfil Thy right in these two months of the months of time.
47 O God, as for the small and large sins which we have committed in this our month, the misdeeds into which we have fallen, and the offenses which we have earned purposefully or in forgetfulness, wronging ourselves thereby or violating the respect due to others, bless Muhammad and his Household, cover us over with Thy covering, pardon us through Thy pardoning, place us not before the eyes of the gloaters because of that, stretch not toward us the tongues of the defamers, and employ us in that which will alleviate and expiate whatever Thou disapprovest from us within it through Thy clemency which does not run out, and Thy bounty which does not diminish!
48 O God, bless Muhammad and his Household, redress our being afflicted by our month, bless us in this day of our festival and our fast-breaking, make it one of the best of days that have passed over us, the greatest in attracting Thy pardon, and the most effacing toward sins, and forgive us our sins, both the concealed and the public!
49 O God, with the passing of this month make us pass forth from our offenses, with its departure make us depart from our evil deeds, and appoint us thereby among its most felicitous people, the most plentiful of them in portion, and the fullest of them in share!
50 O God, when any person observes this month as it should be observed, safeguards its inviolability as it should be safeguarded, attends to its bounds as they should be attended to, fears its misdeeds as they should be feared, or seeks nearness to Thee with any act of nearness-seeking which makes incumbent upon him Thy good pleasure and bends toward him Thy mercy, give to us the like [of that] from Thy wealth and bestow it upon us in multiples through Thy bounty, for Thy bounty does not diminish, Thy treasuries do not decrease but overflow, the mines of Thy beneficence are not exhausted, and Thy bestowal is the bestowal full of delight!
51 O God, bless Muhammad and his Household and write for us the like of the wages of him who fasted in it or worshipped Thee within it until the Day of Resurrection!
52 O God, we repent to Thee in our day of fast-breaking, which Thou hast appointed for the faithful a festival and a joy and for the people of Thy creed a time of assembly and gathering, from every misdeed we did, ill work we sent ahead, or evil thought we secretly conceived, the repentance of one who does not harbour a return to sin and who afterwards will not go back to offense, an unswerving repentance rid of doubt and wavering. So accept it from us, be pleased with us, and fix us within it!
53 O God, provide us with fear of the threatened punishment and yearning for the promised reward, so that we may find the pleasure of that for which we supplicate Thee and the sorrow of that from which we seek sanctuary in Thee!
54 And place us with Thee among the repenters, those upon whom Thou hast made Thy love obligatory and from whom Thou hast accepted the return to obeying Thee! O Most Just of the just!
55 O God, show forbearance toward our fathers and our mothers and all the people of our religion, those who have gone and those who will pass by, until the Day of Resurrection!
56 O God, bless our prophet Muhammad and his Household, as Thou hast blessed Thy angels brought nigh, bless him and his Household, as Thou hast blessed Thy prophets sent out, bless him and his Household, as Thou hast blessed Thy righteous servants - and better than that, O Lord of the worlds! - a blessing whose benediction will reach us, whose benefit will attain to us, and through which our supplication may be granted! Thou art the most generous of those who are beseeched, the most sufficient of those in whom confidence is had, the most bestowing of those from whom bounty is asked, and Thou art powerful over everything!
The talking Sword - Marthia - English
\\\"The Talking Sword\\\" English Marthia by:Nouri Sardar, recited by Ali Fadhil. A poem from the point of view of Imam Ali (a.s.) after the death of Hazrat Fatima Zahra. Pictures...
\\\"The Talking Sword\\\" English Marthia by:Nouri Sardar, recited by Ali Fadhil. A poem from the point of view of Imam Ali (a.s.) after the death of Hazrat Fatima Zahra. Pictures by various artists.
Poem Lyrics:
For her Haidar cries, Fatima has died (2x\\\'s)
And by you is your sword
Oh lion of your Lord
And by you is your sword
Oh lion of your Lord
Your Thulfiqar though it\\\'s unseen cries tears for her
Asking you for vengeance please give it an answer
It points toward the door that was burned by fire
And asks you: \\\"Please let me avenge her, oh Haidar\\\"
For her the sword cries, tears flow from it\\\'s eyes (2x\\\'s)
To sorrow it\\\'s been called,
Oh lion of your Lord
To sorrow it\\\'s been called
Oh lion of your Lord
Haidar answers with his tears talking to the sword:
\\\"Do not tempt me I must show patience to my Lord\\\"
\\\"Though my patience is slowly dying oh my sword\\\"
\\\"I can\\\'t use you to avenge her as I was told\\\"
\\\"To draw you I yearn, In grief my heart burns\\\" (2x\\\'s)
\\\"So draw me,\\\" says the sword
Oh lion of your Lord
\\\"So draw me,\\\" says the sword
Oh lion of your Lord
The sword says, \\\"Haider my eyes saw her when she screamed\\\"
\\\"After the door crushed her, her rib broke as it seemed\\\"
\\\"Oh Haidar to argue with you I do not mean\\\"
\\\"But by the wall and door she was crushed in between\\\"
\\\"How can you stand still when she has wailed?\\\" (2x\\\'s)
\\\"Vengeance by me assured\\\"
O lion of your Lord
\\\"Vengeance by me assured\\\"
O lion of your Lord
Haidar with tears flowing, cries in his bravery
\\\"Oh sword of the wall and door do not remind me\\\"
\\\"For I remember the nail that pierced her body\\\"
\\\"And I wish that in my hand oh sword you had been\\\"
The sword begs \\\'Ali, \\\"In your hands raise me\\\" (2x\\\'s)
\\\"Haidar answer my call\\\"
Oh lion of your Lord
\\\"Haidar answer my call\\\"
Oh lion of your Lord
Haider two things for vengeance are making a call
For vengeance is asking from you the door and wall
Still stained upon them is her blood that on them fell
With their eyes they saw Zahra\\\'s rib broken and torn
For justice they\\\'ve begged
Since her blood was shed
Even patience it cries,
Oh lion of your Lord
Even patience it cries,
Oh lion of your Lord
More...
Description:
\\\"The Talking Sword\\\" English Marthia by:Nouri Sardar, recited by Ali Fadhil. A poem from the point of view of Imam Ali (a.s.) after the death of Hazrat Fatima Zahra. Pictures by various artists.
Poem Lyrics:
For her Haidar cries, Fatima has died (2x\\\'s)
And by you is your sword
Oh lion of your Lord
And by you is your sword
Oh lion of your Lord
Your Thulfiqar though it\\\'s unseen cries tears for her
Asking you for vengeance please give it an answer
It points toward the door that was burned by fire
And asks you: \\\"Please let me avenge her, oh Haidar\\\"
For her the sword cries, tears flow from it\\\'s eyes (2x\\\'s)
To sorrow it\\\'s been called,
Oh lion of your Lord
To sorrow it\\\'s been called
Oh lion of your Lord
Haidar answers with his tears talking to the sword:
\\\"Do not tempt me I must show patience to my Lord\\\"
\\\"Though my patience is slowly dying oh my sword\\\"
\\\"I can\\\'t use you to avenge her as I was told\\\"
\\\"To draw you I yearn, In grief my heart burns\\\" (2x\\\'s)
\\\"So draw me,\\\" says the sword
Oh lion of your Lord
\\\"So draw me,\\\" says the sword
Oh lion of your Lord
The sword says, \\\"Haider my eyes saw her when she screamed\\\"
\\\"After the door crushed her, her rib broke as it seemed\\\"
\\\"Oh Haidar to argue with you I do not mean\\\"
\\\"But by the wall and door she was crushed in between\\\"
\\\"How can you stand still when she has wailed?\\\" (2x\\\'s)
\\\"Vengeance by me assured\\\"
O lion of your Lord
\\\"Vengeance by me assured\\\"
O lion of your Lord
Haidar with tears flowing, cries in his bravery
\\\"Oh sword of the wall and door do not remind me\\\"
\\\"For I remember the nail that pierced her body\\\"
\\\"And I wish that in my hand oh sword you had been\\\"
The sword begs \\\'Ali, \\\"In your hands raise me\\\" (2x\\\'s)
\\\"Haidar answer my call\\\"
Oh lion of your Lord
\\\"Haidar answer my call\\\"
Oh lion of your Lord
Haider two things for vengeance are making a call
For vengeance is asking from you the door and wall
Still stained upon them is her blood that on them fell
With their eyes they saw Zahra\\\'s rib broken and torn
For justice they\\\'ve begged
Since her blood was shed
Even patience it cries,
Oh lion of your Lord
Even patience it cries,
Oh lion of your Lord
4:42
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\"Stand Alone\" | Islamic Revolutionary Rap song by a 13 Yr-Old Boy | Husayn Z. | English
A revolutionary rap performed by a courageous young brother in Iran, discussing contemporary issues in an artistic and thought-provoking manner. Before commenting on the Islamic permissibility of...
A revolutionary rap performed by a courageous young brother in Iran, discussing contemporary issues in an artistic and thought-provoking manner. Before commenting on the Islamic permissibility of this piece, please watch our videos on the subject of music carefully and then come to an understanding.
How Haram is Music? | Biskit
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8fVCCPe7CSs
Is All Music Haram? | Shaykh Usama Abdulghani
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gdaRNOSgpLM
Analysis of the Music Industry | Shaykh Salim Yusufali | Weapons of Mass Deception
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ip_tpCZzIX0
#IslamicRevolution #Unity #IslamicMusic #Nasheed #FreeZakzaky #Zakzaky #FreeKashmir #Kashmir #ImamKhamenei #Khamenei #SoftWar #CultureWar #IslamicRepublic #Imperialism #Colonialism #Scholars4Dollars #Saudis #TakfiriWahhabis #BritishShiaism #Wahhabis #America #israel #UK #Trump #Netanyahu #BorisJohnson #RowanAtkinson #Modi #BJP #India #Pakistan #EndOfTimes #ImamMahdi #AJTF #DTA #DTI
______________________________
LYRICS:
Ya Imam!
We heard your father foretold,
\\\"One\\\'s religion will be harder to hold
Than gripping onto a burning coal
at the end of times” Now here we are
Some praying hypocritically ain’t it bizarre?
so it\\\'s better if you don\\\'t return just yet-
the only one suffering to that extent,
- not hiding or attempting to circumvent -
is #ShaykhZakzaky and a handful of others
not even 1%
The rest of us are busy living the rat-race,
And those who strut around with utmost grace
Representatives of the Deen of the Human Race
are no different today than they were 1000 years ago –
When betrayal and cowardice used to flow
Instead of blood through their veins,
Ready to take no pains, ready to suffer no trials
All the while, got you stuck in your comfort zone
So tell me again why a youth like me ought to stand alone?
stand alone?
stand alone?
So tell me again why a youth like me ought to stand alone?
It’s a joke. But it ain’t funny.
People doing what they do
For just a bit of money.
The two Qiblahs of the Muslims are occupied
Would the Prophet have laughed or would he have cried?
The Leader proved that we could go so far
The sky is the limit, but you’re sat on the sofa
Forget about speaking out against America-
You can’t even tell me it’s haram to go to the bar -
Shh- MI6 could have us on the radar-
“God forbid my reputation gets marred”-
next year they won’t call me back to Zanzibar
Shopping around in the community bazar
While you ride around in your fancy little car,
Sitting with politicians eatin’ caviar,
The war in Venezuela’s what paid for your cigar,
Mum said to listen to you, coz you’re a scholar
But reality is - You’re a celebrity, not a shining star-
- You’re no less than the People of Kufa
What you say and what you do is so far
From one another so Tell me again how for me,
The Holy Prophet’s an exemplar!
It’s a joke. But it ain’t funny.
People doing what they do
For just a bit of money.
The two Qiblahs of the Muslims are occupied
Would Imam have laughed or would he have cried?
You see all too clearly what we do –
while neglecting utterly the cause of Palestine,
and the cause of Zakzaky too,
we’ve neglected Yemen and
are compliant to the People of Lut -
All the while, stirring up an “Islamic” tea
To serve with utmost akhlaq to you and to me,
But within the cup ain’t a drop of purity-
From the wide and vast Islamic sea,
All you see in your cup is hypocrisy,
While you’re sipping away,
in prison is a scholar named Zakzaky -
It’s not Islam AT ALL, don’t you see?
Like a fake brand name, slapping the name
Of Husayn on piece of cloth, doesn’t make it the same.
- they call them scholars- but they’re Insane
scholars for dollars
And they only exist because this nation
Doesn’t stop filling their pockets with elation
Take a hike, take a vacation-
Please - not to Buckingham palace
drinking from a tyrant’s chalice
Kissing up to the kings of malice
Being callous towards those who need us most
You sit on the pulpit and boast
While the children of Yemen are toast
children of Palestine roast
there’s only suffering Coast-to-coast,
But you’re thoroughly enjoying your post,
Adios Amigos, Trump in the White House
Mr. Bean at number 10
You say NOTHING time and time again -
Stop the charade of being wise men,
Because you’re nothing but comedians
Jesters at the foot of Big Ben,
While you give the masses all of your charm
Imam Husayn never needed your salaam…
If you don’t rise up- say Goodbye to Islam
_______________________________
More...
Description:
A revolutionary rap performed by a courageous young brother in Iran, discussing contemporary issues in an artistic and thought-provoking manner. Before commenting on the Islamic permissibility of this piece, please watch our videos on the subject of music carefully and then come to an understanding.
How Haram is Music? | Biskit
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8fVCCPe7CSs
Is All Music Haram? | Shaykh Usama Abdulghani
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gdaRNOSgpLM
Analysis of the Music Industry | Shaykh Salim Yusufali | Weapons of Mass Deception
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ip_tpCZzIX0
#IslamicRevolution #Unity #IslamicMusic #Nasheed #FreeZakzaky #Zakzaky #FreeKashmir #Kashmir #ImamKhamenei #Khamenei #SoftWar #CultureWar #IslamicRepublic #Imperialism #Colonialism #Scholars4Dollars #Saudis #TakfiriWahhabis #BritishShiaism #Wahhabis #America #israel #UK #Trump #Netanyahu #BorisJohnson #RowanAtkinson #Modi #BJP #India #Pakistan #EndOfTimes #ImamMahdi #AJTF #DTA #DTI
______________________________
LYRICS:
Ya Imam!
We heard your father foretold,
\\\"One\\\'s religion will be harder to hold
Than gripping onto a burning coal
at the end of times” Now here we are
Some praying hypocritically ain’t it bizarre?
so it\\\'s better if you don\\\'t return just yet-
the only one suffering to that extent,
- not hiding or attempting to circumvent -
is #ShaykhZakzaky and a handful of others
not even 1%
The rest of us are busy living the rat-race,
And those who strut around with utmost grace
Representatives of the Deen of the Human Race
are no different today than they were 1000 years ago –
When betrayal and cowardice used to flow
Instead of blood through their veins,
Ready to take no pains, ready to suffer no trials
All the while, got you stuck in your comfort zone
So tell me again why a youth like me ought to stand alone?
stand alone?
stand alone?
So tell me again why a youth like me ought to stand alone?
It’s a joke. But it ain’t funny.
People doing what they do
For just a bit of money.
The two Qiblahs of the Muslims are occupied
Would the Prophet have laughed or would he have cried?
The Leader proved that we could go so far
The sky is the limit, but you’re sat on the sofa
Forget about speaking out against America-
You can’t even tell me it’s haram to go to the bar -
Shh- MI6 could have us on the radar-
“God forbid my reputation gets marred”-
next year they won’t call me back to Zanzibar
Shopping around in the community bazar
While you ride around in your fancy little car,
Sitting with politicians eatin’ caviar,
The war in Venezuela’s what paid for your cigar,
Mum said to listen to you, coz you’re a scholar
But reality is - You’re a celebrity, not a shining star-
- You’re no less than the People of Kufa
What you say and what you do is so far
From one another so Tell me again how for me,
The Holy Prophet’s an exemplar!
It’s a joke. But it ain’t funny.
People doing what they do
For just a bit of money.
The two Qiblahs of the Muslims are occupied
Would Imam have laughed or would he have cried?
You see all too clearly what we do –
while neglecting utterly the cause of Palestine,
and the cause of Zakzaky too,
we’ve neglected Yemen and
are compliant to the People of Lut -
All the while, stirring up an “Islamic” tea
To serve with utmost akhlaq to you and to me,
But within the cup ain’t a drop of purity-
From the wide and vast Islamic sea,
All you see in your cup is hypocrisy,
While you’re sipping away,
in prison is a scholar named Zakzaky -
It’s not Islam AT ALL, don’t you see?
Like a fake brand name, slapping the name
Of Husayn on piece of cloth, doesn’t make it the same.
- they call them scholars- but they’re Insane
scholars for dollars
And they only exist because this nation
Doesn’t stop filling their pockets with elation
Take a hike, take a vacation-
Please - not to Buckingham palace
drinking from a tyrant’s chalice
Kissing up to the kings of malice
Being callous towards those who need us most
You sit on the pulpit and boast
While the children of Yemen are toast
children of Palestine roast
there’s only suffering Coast-to-coast,
But you’re thoroughly enjoying your post,
Adios Amigos, Trump in the White House
Mr. Bean at number 10
You say NOTHING time and time again -
Stop the charade of being wise men,
Because you’re nothing but comedians
Jesters at the foot of Big Ben,
While you give the masses all of your charm
Imam Husayn never needed your salaam…
If you don’t rise up- say Goodbye to Islam
_______________________________
2:11
|
3:49
|
[6 July 2012] CIA directing arms flow to gangs in Syria - English
Switzerland has decided to suspend arms shipments to the United Arab Emirates following a report that Swiss-made hand grenades are being used by armed gangs in Syria.
The measure was taken on...
Switzerland has decided to suspend arms shipments to the United Arab Emirates following a report that Swiss-made hand grenades are being used by armed gangs in Syria.
The measure was taken on Wednesday after the Sonntagszeitung newspaper published a photograph taken of one such device in possession of anti-Damascus forces in the town of Marea, north of Aleppo, at the end of June, AFP reported.
Preliminary inquiries into the photo showed the grenade in question was made by the Bern-based arms manufacturer RUAG, and was part of a shipment made by the company to the UAE in 2003.
The Federal Department of Economic Affairs (FDEA) says 225,162 hand grenades were exported to the UAE, who signed an agreement not to re-export the munitions.
"As far as the FDEA is aware, the hand grenade ... originates from a RUAG shipment to the United Arab Emirates in 2003. At present there is no evidence that Swiss hand grenades have found their way to Syria; inquiries are ongoing, however," the government statement said.
The FDEA statement also said arms shipments from Switzerland to Syria stopped in April 1998, and raised doubt whether the photograph was taken in Syria after all.
Antje Baertschi, a spokeswoman for the State Secretariat for Economic Affairs (SECO) said as a “provisional" measure, Switzerland immediately moved to "freeze all arms export permits to the UAE."
Press TV has conducted an interview with Dr. Webster Griffin Tarpley, author & historian, to hear his opinion on this issue. The following is a transcription of the interview.
Press TV: The Swiss claim that they are surprised about this entire issue because they have a “neutral stance” when it comes to issues like Syria. Are they as innocent as they claim considering they have been providing weapons in the first place to repressive states such as the UAE?
Tarpley: I think everybody in the world with an effective intelligence service and that would emphatically include Switzerland through their banking system; they are as well informed really as anybody in the world, they know very well that the [Persian] Gulf states, these reactionary feudal absolute monarchies like the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait but above all Saudi Arabia, all of them have been massively shipping weapons to the death squads that are working for NATO in Syria and this has been known now for months.
There is really no news except that Switzerland, to cover themselves, to cover themselves maybe on liability suits, have decided to cut off the air shipments to these feudal monarchies in the [Persian] Gulf.
But other than that, we have known, even the New York Times always the last to know, has confirmed that there were CIA officers who are directing traffic in southern Turkey sending these weapons to the groups that they want to receive them. I think that we could see a larger context; tomorrow there would be another one of these Orwellian ‘Friends of Syria’ conferences in Turkey, I believe, tomorrow, or is it Paris?
Anyway, the Russians and the Chinese have said that they will not go. I think Hilary Clinton, however, will be there. I believe it is in Paris. So that entire exercise will continue.
One of the things that NATO is doing is simply lying. Whenever they have a diplomatic meeting with Russia, in particular, then they come out and lie about it and the Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov was asked today, are you going to call Assad and offer him asylum in Russia? And Lavrov said that is a bad joke; why don’t you ask the same question to the German Foreign Minister [Guido] Westerwelle we were standing with? Why don’t you see if Assad is going to go to Germany?
It is all really absurd. The big development of today though that I would urgently point to is NATO is now rolling up its heavy artillery and that means WikiLeaks and Julian Assange.
Sophisticated knowledgeable observers all over the world have long known since the very beginning in 2010 that WikiLeaks is a NATO-CIA conduit for various kinds of fake or real documents that are released with political aims in mind and Assange in that sense is a tool of NATO.
We are now told that there are 2.4 million cables; 400 thousand in Arabic, 70 thousand in Russia that are all embarrassing to Syria, embarrassing to the Syrian government but also embarrassing to companies that are still selling various things to Syria.
The example given is Finmeccanica, an Italian firm that has been selling radios to Assad. Also notable is that Assange and WikiLeaks have got a consortium of international press organs; they have got the Associate Press of the United States, the biggest indeed.
More...
Description:
Switzerland has decided to suspend arms shipments to the United Arab Emirates following a report that Swiss-made hand grenades are being used by armed gangs in Syria.
The measure was taken on Wednesday after the Sonntagszeitung newspaper published a photograph taken of one such device in possession of anti-Damascus forces in the town of Marea, north of Aleppo, at the end of June, AFP reported.
Preliminary inquiries into the photo showed the grenade in question was made by the Bern-based arms manufacturer RUAG, and was part of a shipment made by the company to the UAE in 2003.
The Federal Department of Economic Affairs (FDEA) says 225,162 hand grenades were exported to the UAE, who signed an agreement not to re-export the munitions.
"As far as the FDEA is aware, the hand grenade ... originates from a RUAG shipment to the United Arab Emirates in 2003. At present there is no evidence that Swiss hand grenades have found their way to Syria; inquiries are ongoing, however," the government statement said.
The FDEA statement also said arms shipments from Switzerland to Syria stopped in April 1998, and raised doubt whether the photograph was taken in Syria after all.
Antje Baertschi, a spokeswoman for the State Secretariat for Economic Affairs (SECO) said as a “provisional" measure, Switzerland immediately moved to "freeze all arms export permits to the UAE."
Press TV has conducted an interview with Dr. Webster Griffin Tarpley, author & historian, to hear his opinion on this issue. The following is a transcription of the interview.
Press TV: The Swiss claim that they are surprised about this entire issue because they have a “neutral stance” when it comes to issues like Syria. Are they as innocent as they claim considering they have been providing weapons in the first place to repressive states such as the UAE?
Tarpley: I think everybody in the world with an effective intelligence service and that would emphatically include Switzerland through their banking system; they are as well informed really as anybody in the world, they know very well that the [Persian] Gulf states, these reactionary feudal absolute monarchies like the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait but above all Saudi Arabia, all of them have been massively shipping weapons to the death squads that are working for NATO in Syria and this has been known now for months.
There is really no news except that Switzerland, to cover themselves, to cover themselves maybe on liability suits, have decided to cut off the air shipments to these feudal monarchies in the [Persian] Gulf.
But other than that, we have known, even the New York Times always the last to know, has confirmed that there were CIA officers who are directing traffic in southern Turkey sending these weapons to the groups that they want to receive them. I think that we could see a larger context; tomorrow there would be another one of these Orwellian ‘Friends of Syria’ conferences in Turkey, I believe, tomorrow, or is it Paris?
Anyway, the Russians and the Chinese have said that they will not go. I think Hilary Clinton, however, will be there. I believe it is in Paris. So that entire exercise will continue.
One of the things that NATO is doing is simply lying. Whenever they have a diplomatic meeting with Russia, in particular, then they come out and lie about it and the Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov was asked today, are you going to call Assad and offer him asylum in Russia? And Lavrov said that is a bad joke; why don’t you ask the same question to the German Foreign Minister [Guido] Westerwelle we were standing with? Why don’t you see if Assad is going to go to Germany?
It is all really absurd. The big development of today though that I would urgently point to is NATO is now rolling up its heavy artillery and that means WikiLeaks and Julian Assange.
Sophisticated knowledgeable observers all over the world have long known since the very beginning in 2010 that WikiLeaks is a NATO-CIA conduit for various kinds of fake or real documents that are released with political aims in mind and Assange in that sense is a tool of NATO.
We are now told that there are 2.4 million cables; 400 thousand in Arabic, 70 thousand in Russia that are all embarrassing to Syria, embarrassing to the Syrian government but also embarrassing to companies that are still selling various things to Syria.
The example given is Finmeccanica, an Italian firm that has been selling radios to Assad. Also notable is that Assange and WikiLeaks have got a consortium of international press organs; they have got the Associate Press of the United States, the biggest indeed.
1:08
|
Science Experiment - Fruit-Power Battery - All Languages
Voltaic batteries of all shapes and sizes are objects that convert chemical energy into electrical energy. You probably use batteries to power your cell phone, iPod, or any number of wireless...
Voltaic batteries of all shapes and sizes are objects that convert chemical energy into electrical energy. You probably use batteries to power your cell phone, iPod, or any number of wireless gadgets. But did you know that you can actually use chemical energy stored within a lemon to power a small LED light? It\'s true, and we\'ll show you exactly how in the Fruit-Power Battery experiment. How does it work? Batteries are comprised of two different metals suspended in an acidic solution. With the Fruit-Power Battery, the two metals are zinc and copper. The zinc is in the galvanization of the nail, and the penny is actually copper-plated zinc. The acid comes from the citric acid inside the lemon. The two metal components are electrodes, the parts of a battery where electrical current enters and leaves the battery. With a zinc and copper set-up, the current will flow out of the penny and into the nail. The electricity also passes through the acidic solution inside the lemon. Once the Fruit-Power Battery is connected to the LED, you create a complete circuit. As the electrical current passes through the LED, it lights the LED, and passes back through all of the lemons.
More...
Description:
Voltaic batteries of all shapes and sizes are objects that convert chemical energy into electrical energy. You probably use batteries to power your cell phone, iPod, or any number of wireless gadgets. But did you know that you can actually use chemical energy stored within a lemon to power a small LED light? It\'s true, and we\'ll show you exactly how in the Fruit-Power Battery experiment. How does it work? Batteries are comprised of two different metals suspended in an acidic solution. With the Fruit-Power Battery, the two metals are zinc and copper. The zinc is in the galvanization of the nail, and the penny is actually copper-plated zinc. The acid comes from the citric acid inside the lemon. The two metal components are electrodes, the parts of a battery where electrical current enters and leaves the battery. With a zinc and copper set-up, the current will flow out of the penny and into the nail. The electricity also passes through the acidic solution inside the lemon. Once the Fruit-Power Battery is connected to the LED, you create a complete circuit. As the electrical current passes through the LED, it lights the LED, and passes back through all of the lemons.
*MUST WATCH* ZIONS CONTROL INFORMATION MASS MEDIA - ENGLISH
How can you say you know all the truth? See yourself, Zions have the tight grip over information flow of al types, newspapres, TVs, Radios, Satellite Channels, Mags,... all are under Zions' eye!
How can you say you know all the truth? See yourself, Zions have the tight grip over information flow of al types, newspapres, TVs, Radios, Satellite Channels, Mags,... all are under Zions' eye!
Electric Stream Animations Adobe After Effects Tutorial - English
Learn how to make custom lines animate in streaming plasma and electric patterns. Then render out an SWF that can be imported into flash for your website animations.
Wiki Facts:
Adobe After...
Learn how to make custom lines animate in streaming plasma and electric patterns. Then render out an SWF that can be imported into flash for your website animations.
Wiki Facts:
Adobe After Effects is primarily used for creating motion graphics and visual effects. After Effects allows users to animate, alter, and composite media in 2d and 3d space with various built-in tools and third party plug-ins, as well as individual attention to variables like parallax and user-adjustable angle of observation.
Both After Effects and some non-linear editing systems (NLEs) are layer-oriented, meaning that each individual media object (video clip, audio clip, still image, etc.) occupies its own track. In contrast, some NLEs use a system where individual media objects can occupy the same track as long as they do not overlap in time. This track-oriented system is more suited for editing and can keep project files much more concise. The layer-oriented system that After Effects adopts is suited for extensive effects work and keyframing. Although other compositing packages—especially ones that employ tree or node workflows, such as Apple Shake—are better suited to manage large volumes of objects within a composite, After Effects is able to somewhat counter the clutter by selectively hiding layers (using the Shy switch) or by grouping them into pre-compositions.
The main interface consists of several panels (windows in versions prior to After Effects 7.0). Three of the most commonly used panels are the Project panel, the Composition panel, and the Timeline panel. The Project panel acts as a bin to import stills, video, and audio footage items. Footage items in the Project panel are used in the Timeline panel, where layer order and timing can be adjusted. The items visible at the current time marker are displayed in the Composition panel.
After Effects integrates with other Adobe software titles such as Illustrator, Photoshop, Premiere Pro, Encore, and Flash.
More...
Description:
Learn how to make custom lines animate in streaming plasma and electric patterns. Then render out an SWF that can be imported into flash for your website animations.
Wiki Facts:
Adobe After Effects is primarily used for creating motion graphics and visual effects. After Effects allows users to animate, alter, and composite media in 2d and 3d space with various built-in tools and third party plug-ins, as well as individual attention to variables like parallax and user-adjustable angle of observation.
Both After Effects and some non-linear editing systems (NLEs) are layer-oriented, meaning that each individual media object (video clip, audio clip, still image, etc.) occupies its own track. In contrast, some NLEs use a system where individual media objects can occupy the same track as long as they do not overlap in time. This track-oriented system is more suited for editing and can keep project files much more concise. The layer-oriented system that After Effects adopts is suited for extensive effects work and keyframing. Although other compositing packages—especially ones that employ tree or node workflows, such as Apple Shake—are better suited to manage large volumes of objects within a composite, After Effects is able to somewhat counter the clutter by selectively hiding layers (using the Shy switch) or by grouping them into pre-compositions.
The main interface consists of several panels (windows in versions prior to After Effects 7.0). Three of the most commonly used panels are the Project panel, the Composition panel, and the Timeline panel. The Project panel acts as a bin to import stills, video, and audio footage items. Footage items in the Project panel are used in the Timeline panel, where layer order and timing can be adjusted. The items visible at the current time marker are displayed in the Composition panel.
After Effects integrates with other Adobe software titles such as Illustrator, Photoshop, Premiere Pro, Encore, and Flash.
7:51
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[03 July 2012] Saudi Arabia invested in Syria crisis - English
[03 July 2012] Saudi Arabia invested in Syria crisis - English
UN human rights chief Navi Pillay says the flow of arms into Syria is "fueling the violence" in the Arab country, calling...
[03 July 2012] Saudi Arabia invested in Syria crisis - English
UN human rights chief Navi Pillay says the flow of arms into Syria is "fueling the violence" in the Arab country, calling for an end to the militarization of the ongoing conflict.
Pillay did not specify where the arms are coming from, but UN diplomats believe that Saudi Arabia and Qatar have been supplying weapons to the armed Syrian rebels.
The UN official claimed that the situation in Syria is "a non-international internal armed conflict," the legal term for a civil war, saying "there is a risk of escalation."
While the West and the Syrian opposition say the government is responsible for the killings, Damascus blames "outlaws, saboteurs and armed terrorist groups" for the unrest, insisting that it is being orchestrated from abroad.
Press TV has conducted an interview with Hisham Jaber, director, Middle East Studies Center, to further discuss the issue.
More...
Description:
[03 July 2012] Saudi Arabia invested in Syria crisis - English
UN human rights chief Navi Pillay says the flow of arms into Syria is "fueling the violence" in the Arab country, calling for an end to the militarization of the ongoing conflict.
Pillay did not specify where the arms are coming from, but UN diplomats believe that Saudi Arabia and Qatar have been supplying weapons to the armed Syrian rebels.
The UN official claimed that the situation in Syria is "a non-international internal armed conflict," the legal term for a civil war, saying "there is a risk of escalation."
While the West and the Syrian opposition say the government is responsible for the killings, Damascus blames "outlaws, saboteurs and armed terrorist groups" for the unrest, insisting that it is being orchestrated from abroad.
Press TV has conducted an interview with Hisham Jaber, director, Middle East Studies Center, to further discuss the issue.
6:49
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2:22
|
FLOW - For the Love of Water - Trailer - English
Contributed by Abuzari. Irena Salina's award-winning documentary investigation into what experts label the most important political and environmental issue of the 21st Century - The World Water...
Contributed by Abuzari. Irena Salina's award-winning documentary investigation into what experts label the most important political and environmental issue of the 21st Century - The World Water Crisis. Salina builds a case against the growing privatization of the world's dwindling fresh water supply with an unflinching focus on politics, pollution, human rights, and the emergence of a domineering world water cartel. Interviews with scientists and activists intelligently reveal the rapidly building crisis, at both the global and human scale, and the film introduces many of the governmental and corporate culprits behind the water grab, while begging the question 'CAN ANYONE REALLY OWN WATER?' Beyond identifying the problem, FLOW also gives viewers a look at the people and institutions providing practical solutions to the water crisis and those developing new technologies, which are fast becoming blueprints for a successful global and economic turnaround.
More...
Description:
Contributed by Abuzari. Irena Salina's award-winning documentary investigation into what experts label the most important political and environmental issue of the 21st Century - The World Water Crisis. Salina builds a case against the growing privatization of the world's dwindling fresh water supply with an unflinching focus on politics, pollution, human rights, and the emergence of a domineering world water cartel. Interviews with scientists and activists intelligently reveal the rapidly building crisis, at both the global and human scale, and the film introduces many of the governmental and corporate culprits behind the water grab, while begging the question 'CAN ANYONE REALLY OWN WATER?' Beyond identifying the problem, FLOW also gives viewers a look at the people and institutions providing practical solutions to the water crisis and those developing new technologies, which are fast becoming blueprints for a successful global and economic turnaround.
1:28
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Science Experiment - Boo Bubbles - Dry Ice Science - English
Bubbles are cool, but bubbles filled with fog are even cooler. Get excited for some dry ice fun with this do-it-yourself Boo Bubble generator!
How does it work?
Dry ice is frozen carbon...
Bubbles are cool, but bubbles filled with fog are even cooler. Get excited for some dry ice fun with this do-it-yourself Boo Bubble generator!
How does it work?
Dry ice is frozen carbon dioxide. When you drop pieces of dry ice into water, you get a wicked-cool combination of carbon dioxide gas and water vapor that bubbles out of the water. The creation of gas inside the two liter bottle quickly becomes too much volume for the two liter bottle to contain and the dry ice smoke flows over. By capping the two liter bottle with a funnel, the smoke builds pressure as it is forced into a more confined area. This pressure pushes the smoke through the tube, creating a flow of smoke that fills the bubbles.
Steve Spangler combined the idea of filling bubbles with dry ice fog with his Bouncing Bubble activity to create a Bouncing Boo Bubble. While blowing bubbles indoors, you might have noticed the occasional bubble that fell to the carpet but didn’t pop. Regular bubbles burst when they come in contact with just about anything. Why? A bubble’s worst enemies are oil and dirt. Boo Bubbles will bounce off of a surface if it is free of oil or dirt particles that would normally break down the soap film. They break when they hit the ground, but they don\'t break if they land on a softer fabric like gloves or a towel.
More...
Description:
Bubbles are cool, but bubbles filled with fog are even cooler. Get excited for some dry ice fun with this do-it-yourself Boo Bubble generator!
How does it work?
Dry ice is frozen carbon dioxide. When you drop pieces of dry ice into water, you get a wicked-cool combination of carbon dioxide gas and water vapor that bubbles out of the water. The creation of gas inside the two liter bottle quickly becomes too much volume for the two liter bottle to contain and the dry ice smoke flows over. By capping the two liter bottle with a funnel, the smoke builds pressure as it is forced into a more confined area. This pressure pushes the smoke through the tube, creating a flow of smoke that fills the bubbles.
Steve Spangler combined the idea of filling bubbles with dry ice fog with his Bouncing Bubble activity to create a Bouncing Boo Bubble. While blowing bubbles indoors, you might have noticed the occasional bubble that fell to the carpet but didn’t pop. Regular bubbles burst when they come in contact with just about anything. Why? A bubble’s worst enemies are oil and dirt. Boo Bubbles will bounce off of a surface if it is free of oil or dirt particles that would normally break down the soap film. They break when they hit the ground, but they don\'t break if they land on a softer fabric like gloves or a towel.
5:05
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